The public record on Cait Conley

What the record showsMajority Democrats PAC ('MD PAC,' C00911321), chaired by Rep. Jake Auchincloss (D-MA) with executive director Rohan Patel, transferred $112,150 into Cait for New York: $90,900 on 2025-09-29 plus $21,250 on 2026-03-13, both joint-fundraising transfers. That single out-of-state, finance-seeded PAC contribution equals roughly half of Conley's entire in-district individual haul (~$217,725). The 2025-09-29 leg itemizes (non-additively) into 14 memo donors totaling $93,500, nearly all at or near the $7,000 cap and none with a Westchester, Rockland, or Putnam employer.

Evidencethe FEC Schedule A data: REAL transfers from MD PAC total exactly $112,150 ($90,900 2025-09-29 + $21,250 2026-03-13); 14 memo (15J) donor lines dated 2025-09-29 sum to exactly $93,500. the PAC-transfer data confirms both transfer dates/amounts. Live FEC committee lookup: C00911321 = 'MD PAC,' Hybrid PAC, treasurer Steven Mele.

Independent corroborationWikipedia and naked capitalism reporting independently confirm Majority Democrats launched July 2025, chaired by Jake Auchincloss with Rohan Patel as executive director, grown from venture capitalist Seth London's 'party within the party' blueprint. The Jacobin and Lever investigations corroborate the network's role bundling into Conley.

What it does not showThe $21,250 line on 2026-03-13 has a non-additive memo-X breakdown, so the bundle is $112,150, not $133,400. This is legal joint-fundraising bundling, not coordination. The 'chaired by Auchincloss' attribution is from secondary reporting (Wikipedia/press), not the FEC committee record (which lists treasurer Steven Mele).

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov open Cait for New York (C00900431) Receipts, filter contributor 'Majority Democrats PAC' -- you will see the $90,900 (2025-09-29) and $21,250 (2026-03-13) transfers, plus the 14 memo-coded donor sub-lines under the September transfer. Confirm the committee is C00911321 (FEC committee profile shows 'MD PAC,' hybrid PAC). Cross-check the PAC-transfer data in the repo.

Primary documents the Majority Democrats bundle data

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 ($90,900 2025-09-29; $21,250 2026-03-13)
2. FEC MD PAC C00911321
3. the PAC-transfer data
4. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Majority_Democrats

What the record showsConley's policy page pledges to crack down on 'corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds.' Her FEC itemized list includes maxed-out checks from the people that phrase names: Steve Mandel (Lone Pine) $7,000; Joshua Bekenstein (Bain) $7,000; Michael Eisenson (Charlesbank) $7,000; Vincent Ryan (chairman, Schooner) $7,000; Norman Alpert (Vestar) $6,000; Steven Kristel (SGK Realty) $7,000; Jonathan Rose (Jonathan Rose Companies) $7,000; plus Jeffrey Gural (GFP Real Estate) $3,500, Roger Tackeff (Renaissance Properties) $3,500, Martin Berger (Saber) $3,500, and a Hines developer cluster. Her only affirmative tax plank is repealing the SALT cap (a benefit that flows overwhelmingly to high earners); she takes no public position on carried interest, capital gains, REIT/199A, 1031, or Opportunity Zones.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy verbatim (fetched live): 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds that are buying up properties and pricing out working families.' Same page confirms SALT-cap repeal IS present and carried interest/REIT/199A/1031/OZ/capital gains are ALL absent. the donor-network data confirms each donor amount/employer.

Independent corroborationThe verbatim 'crack down' language and the SALT-present / carried-interest-absent split were both confirmed by fetching the live policy page (and an archived 2026-06-13 snapshot). Tax Policy Center independently confirms SALT-cap repeal is regressive (top 1% get 43%, ~95% of benefit to top 20%).

What it does not showShe is a challenger with no voting record, so no purchased vote can be alleged; the policy silence is a verified absence, the 'bought silence' read is a label, not a transaction. Not every real-estate donor opposes her goals -- Jonathan Rose and David Rattner are genuine affordable-housing developers who align with her stated platform. Publishable as a contradiction, not as a transaction.

Verify it yourselfRead caitconley.com/policy/ and find the verbatim 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds...' sentence; keyword-search the page for 'carried interest,' 'REIT,' '199A,' '1031,' 'Opportunity Zone,' 'capital gains' (none appear) and 'SALT' (appears). Confirm each donor on fec.gov C00900431. Read the TPC SALT analysis for the distribution.

Primary documents caitconley_policy.htmlarchived

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431
2. caitconley.com/policy/ · archived
3. taxpolicycenter.org/taxvox/salt-cap-repeal-would-overwhelmingly-benefit-high-income-households · archived
4. the donor-network data

What the record showsPer FEC candidate totals (C00900431/H6NY17171, coverage 1/1/2025-3/31/2026), Conley raised $2,645,257.86. Itemized individual gifts ($200+) total $1,901,117.92 (71.9%); genuine small-dollar (<$200) is just $461,464.12 (17.4%); PAC/other-committee money is $108,050 (4.1%); authorized-committee transfers are $166,251.27 (6.3%). Big-money buckets (itemized + PAC + transfers) sum to $2,175,419 -- 82.2% of everything raised, a 4.71-to-1 ratio over her small-dollar base. Separately, VoteVets' reported independent expenditures supporting Conley were $508,591.99 at the June 5 pull -- already ~$47,000 more than her entire small-dollar base -- and have since grown to $826,879.67, with two additional IE committees (New Democrat Majority $522,678; AFT Solidarity $150,000) pushing outside support to ~$1.5M.

EvidenceLive + local FEC candidate totals match exactly: receipts $2,645,257.86; itemized $1,901,117.92; unitemized $461,464.12; PAC $108,050; transfers $166,251.27. My computation: big buckets = $2,175,419.19 = 82.2%, ratio 4.71. Live Schedule E: VoteVets $826,879.67 supporting Conley (was $508,591.99 at pull).

Independent corroborationThe candidate-totals breakdown was confirmed twice (the FEC candidate totals and the live FEC API, identical to the cent). The 82.2% / 4.71-to-1 math was recomputed from those buckets. The VoteVets IE total was re-pulled live and is materially higher than at the original pull.

What it does not showConley's '90% of contributions under $100' boast counts transactions, not dollars -- both can be true at once. Her '$0 corporate PAC' pledge is technically defensible (her PAC money is leadership/ideological/labor, not corporate connected PACs). The point is the big-money share of dollars, not a broken pledge. The $508,591.99 figure is now stale; the live VoteVets total is $826,879.67.

Verify it yourselfPull candidate totals for H6NY17171 on fec.gov (or the API endpoint above) and compute itemized/small/PAC/transfer shares of receipts. Sum itemized+PAC+transfers ($2,175,419) and divide by receipts ($2,645,258) = 82.2%; divide by small-dollar ($461,464) = 4.71x. For the current outside-spending total, sum Schedule E support for H6NY17171 by committee.

Primary documents the FEC candidate totals-06-12.jsonschedule_e_supporting_conley_LIVE_2026-06-12.json

1. FEC candidate totals, H6NY17171 / C00900431 (1/1/2025-3/31/2026)
2. FEC Schedule E supporting H6NY17171 (VoteVets $826,879.67 live)
3. the FEC candidate totals
4. api.open.fec.gov/v1/candidate/H6NY17171/totals/

What the record showsConley's only affirmative tax plank is repealing the SALT cap, which the Tax Policy Center finds overwhelmingly benefits high earners (the top 1% get ~43% of the benefit; ~95% goes to the top 20%). Carried interest, capital-gains rates, PE/fund-adviser regulation, REIT/199A, 1031 exchanges, and Opportunity Zones are all absent from her platform. The 2026 Wyden-Whitehouse-King bill to close carried interest (introduced 2026-04-16) is JCT-scored at $63.1B over 10 years. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act (signed 2025-07-04, P.L. 119-21) made 199A, Opportunity Zones, and 1031 permanent and raised the Taxable REIT Subsidiary limit from 20% to 25% -- the exact wealth-preservation stack her PE/hedge/REIT donor bloc runs on.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy (fetched live): SALT-cap repeal present; carried interest/REIT/199A/1031/OZ/capital gains ALL absent. Senate Finance press release (2026-04-16): Wyden-Whitehouse-King carried-interest bill, JCT $63.1B/10yr. DLA Piper/Brookings/PwC: OBBBA made 199A and OZ permanent, preserved 1031, raised TRS limit to 25%.

Independent corroborationThe policy absences verified by fetching the live page (and a 2026-06-13 archive). The $63.1B carried-interest score confirmed via Senate Finance + Tax Notes. The OBBBA permanence of 199A/OZ/1031 and the TRS 20%->25% bump confirmed via DLA Piper, Brookings, and PwC independently.

What it does not showThe policy silence is a verified fact; that the silence is 'bought' is a label, not a proof -- she is a challenger with no voting record, and many Democrats who back closing carried interest still take PE money. No coordination is alleged.

Verify it yourselfKeyword-search caitconley.com/policy for 'carried interest,' 'REIT,' '199A,' '1031,' 'Opportunity Zone,' 'capital gains' (none appear) and 'SALT' (appears). Confirm the carried-interest $63.1B score at finance.senate.gov (Wyden-Whitehouse-King, 2026-04-16). Confirm OBBBA's 199A/OZ permanence, 1031 preservation, and the TRS 20%->25% change via DLA Piper and Brookings.

Primary documents caitconley_policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy/ (verified absence)
2. www.finance.senate.gov/ranking-members-news/wyden-whitehouse-king-lead-introduction-of-bill-clos · archived
3. taxpolicycenter.org/taxvox/salt-cap-repeal-would-overwhelmingly-benefit-high-income-households · archived
4. www.dlapiper.com/en/insights/publications/2025/07/one-big-beautiful-bill-act-reit
5. www.brookings.edu/articles/how-did-the-one-big-beautiful-bill-act-change-opportunity-zones/

What the record showsOf the $1,901,118 in itemized individual contributions the FEC records, out-of-state donors supply ~$944,782 -- 49.7% (49.8% by direct recompute), essentially a coin-flip split with New York. California alone gives $248,983 (13.1%), followed by Massachusetts ($125,448), D.C. ($83,400), and Virginia ($83,120). Inside New York, the city's boroughs supply more than the entire in-district total. Just ~8% (~$217,725) of Conley's ~$2.65M came from inside NY-17.

EvidenceMy direct recompute from the FEC Schedule A data (non-memo, positive, individual, by state): NY $952,336; CA $248,983; MA $125,448; DC $83,400; VA $83,120; out-of-NY = $944,782 = 49.8%. Matches the FEC by-state breakdown to the cent on CA/MA/DC/VA.

Independent corroborationThe state-by-state breakdown was reproduced independently by aggregating the raw Schedule A by contributor_state; CA/MA/DC/VA matched to the cent, and the out-of-state share computed to 49.8% (vs claimed 49.7%). NY is confirmed the largest single state ($952,336).

What it does not showEvery serious challenger raises nationally; New York is fairly her single largest state. The scandal framing is the CONCENTRATION in elite enclaves and the under-9% in-district share, not the mere existence of cross-state money. The in-district figure rests on ZIP-based classification with a small boundary margin.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/ use the 'individual contributions by state' breakdown (CA $248,983; MA $125,448; DC $83,400; VA $83,120). Or aggregate the FEC Schedule A data by contributor_state (out-of-NY = 49.8%). Reconstruct the in-district ~8% by filtering for NY-17 ZIP codes against the committee Schedule A.

1. FEC candidate totals, H6NY17171
2. FEC Schedule A by state (CA $248,983; MA $125,448; DC $83,400; VA $83,120)
3. the FEC Schedule A data
4. www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/

What the record showsDeborah Simon — daughter of Simon Property Group co-founder Melvin Simon and a member of the family behind the largest mall owner in the United States — gave VoteVets $1,500,000, structured as $1,000,000 on 3/3/2025 plus $500,000 on 11/5/2025, both filed under occupation 'NOT EMPLOYED' (employer 'N/A'), from Carmel, IN. That makes her VoteVets' single largest individual funder for the cycle. In the sampled VoteVets donor file her $1.5M is 23.9% of the 100-record pool ($1,500,000 of $6,267,697.11) and exactly 4.0x the next-largest individual (Joshua Bekenstein, $375,000).

Evidencethe VoteVets donor file (two Simon line items verified: 3/3/2025 $1M, 11/5/2025 $500K, NOT EMPLOYED, Carmel IN); sample pool computed to $6,267,697.11 with Simon at 23.9% and 4.0x Bekenstein.

Independent corroborationInfluenceWatch independently establishes Simon's SPG lineage; the FEC filing independently documents the $1.5M and the NOT EMPLOYED occupation code.

What it does not showSimon's gift is a general contribution to VoteVets, not money earmarked for Conley, and is legally uncoordinated with the campaign. The percentage-of-pool figures derive from a 100-record sample of VoteVets' 25,175 receipts, not the complete donor universe; the named six-figure entries are present and verified. Note: in raw line-by-line terms several other donors aggregate above $200K (Armstrong $275K, Hostetter $200K) but across multiple gifts; Bekenstein's $375K is the largest single gift and the largest per-donor individual aggregate after Simon, so '4x next-largest individual' holds.

Verify it yourself1) FEC: api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?committee_id=C00418897&contributor_name=simon — find Deborah J Simon, Carmel IN, $1,000,000 (3/3/2025) + $500,000 (11/5/2025), occupation NOT EMPLOYED. 2) In the donor sample, sum all 100 records ($6,267,697.11); Simon's $1.5M = 23.9%; divide by Bekenstein's $375,000 = 4.0x. 3) InfluenceWatch confirms Simon = daughter of SPG co-founder Melvin Simon.

Primary documents fec-votevets-donors-sample100.jsoninfluencewatch-deborah-simon.htmlarchived

1. FEC VoteVets C00418897 Schedule A; the VoteVets donor file
2. www.influencewatch.org/person/deborah-simon/ · archived

What the record showsDeborah Simon appears in Conley's money in two legally distinct places. Channel one: she maxed out to Conley's campaign committee (C00900431) at the full $7,000 primary-plus-general limit, recorded on 5/22/2025 as a $7,000 contribution plus a $3,500 / -$3,500 ActBlue redesignation pair (net $7,000), occupation 'UNEMPLOYED,' Carmel IN. Channel two: separately and by law uncoordinated with the campaign, she put $1,500,000 into VoteVets, the super PAC reporting independent expenditures supporting Conley. The two figures must never be merged — money to Conley is capped at ~$7,000; money to the independent super PAC is uncapped.

EvidenceConley Schedule A (the FEC Schedule A data): SIMON, DEBORAH, 5/22/2025, $7,000 + $3,500 + (-$3,500) net $7,000, UNEMPLOYED, Carmel IN. VoteVets donor file: $1.5M.

Independent corroborationTwo separate FEC committees (C00900431 and C00418897) independently document the two channels; same donor name, same Carmel IN address.

What it does not showCombining the $7,000 and the $1.5M into one 'Simon gave Conley $1.5M' figure is the error that would discredit the claim. The super-PAC money is independent and uncoordinated; no quid pro quo is alleged.

Verify it yourself1) FEC: api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?committee_id=C00900431&contributor_name=simon — Deborah Simon, Carmel IN, 5/22/2025, nets $7,000 (a $7,000 plus a $3,500/-$3,500 redesignation pair). 2) FEC: same query against committee C00418897 for the $1.5M. 3) Confirm the channels are legally distinct (capped direct vs uncapped IE).

Primary documents fec-votevets-donors-sample100.json

1. FEC Schedule A, committee C00900431 (the FEC Schedule A data)
2. FEC VoteVets C00418897; the VoteVets donor file

What the record showsConley's housing platform vows to crack down 'on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds that are buying up properties and pricing out working families' (verbatim, caitconley.com/policy). The single largest individual force behind VoteVets — the super PAC reporting $826,879.67 (live) in ads supporting Conley — is Deborah Simon, whose fortune derives from Simon Property Group, the largest mall REIT in the United States, at $1.5 million. The structural point is concentration plus silence: the dominant single individual backer of the megaphone for Conley's anti-corporate-landlord message is the exact interest the slogan names, while Conley takes no public position on the core REIT/landlord tax provisions (Section 199A 20% REIT-dividend deduction, 1031 like-kind exchanges, Opportunity Zones) that the One Big Beautiful Bill Act made permanent in July 2025.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy (verbatim 'corporate landlords and Wall Street' language confirmed; 199A/1031/Opportunity Zones/wealth tax all confirmed ABSENT via search of downloaded HTML); VoteVets donor file (Simon $1.5M top individual); live Schedule E ($826,879.67).

Independent corroborationPolicy page (candidate's own words), FEC donor file (Simon), and InfluenceWatch (SPG provenance) are three independent sources converging on the contradiction.

What it does not showNo quid pro quo is alleged or needed; the super-PAC money is legally uncoordinated, and Conley has no voting record to buy. That a mall-REIT bloc ranks these provisions as its top legislative ask is a thematic inference; the policy silence and the provisions themselves are verified facts. VoteVets is majority labor-funded — the contradiction is the dominant individual donor, not the PAC's overall composition.

Verify it yourself1) Read caitconley.com/policy — housing section reads verbatim 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds that are buying up properties and pricing out working families.' 2) search the page for Section 199A / 1031 / Opportunity Zone / REIT / wealth tax — none appear (only SALT-cap repeal is in the tax section). 3) Confirm Simon as top VoteVets individual donor (prior finding) and her SPG mall-REIT fortune via InfluenceWatch.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchivedfec-votevets-donors-sample100.jsoninfluencewatch-deborah-simon.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy/ · archived
2. FEC VoteVets C00418897; the VoteVets donor file
3. www.fec.gov/data/independent-expenditures/?candidate_id=H6NY17171&support_oppose_indicator=S
4. www.influencewatch.org/person/deborah-simon/ · archived

What the record showsThe same finance households appear on both sides of Conley's money ledger. Bain Capital co-chairman Joshua Bekenstein and his wife Anita each maxed out to Conley at $7,000 (net) on 6/30/2025 ($14,000 household); on 4/28/2026 Joshua Bekenstein wrote a separate $375,000 check to VoteVets (occupation CO-CHAIRMAN, Bain Capital, Boston) — the largest individual VoteVets gift after Simon's $1.5M. Lone Pine Capital founder Stephen ('Steve') Mandel and his wife Susan ('Sue') maxed out to Conley at $7,000 each on 6/23/2025 ($14,000 combined) and gave $300,000 to VoteVets ($150,000 each, both dated 3/27/2026 from Greenwich, CT — Stephen as FOUNDER/Lone Pine, Susan as NOT EMPLOYED). Venture investor David Brenner (Marathon Ventures LLC, Waccabuc NY) maxed to Conley at $7,000 net and gave $50,000 to VoteVets ($40,000 on 4/1/2026 + $10,000 on 2/9/2026). The pattern: max out the candidate; fund the air war — every dollar legal and disclosed.

EvidenceConley Schedule A (the FEC Schedule A data): Joshua Bekenstein $7,000 net + Anita $7,000 net (6/30/2025); Steve Mandel $7,000 net + Sue Mandel $7,000 net (6/23/2025); David Brenner $7,000 net. VoteVets donor file: Bekenstein $375,000 (4/28/2026), Mandel $150,000 x2 (3/27/2026), Brenner $40,000 + $10,000.

Independent corroborationEach household is documented in two distinct FEC committees with matching names/cities; cross-committee match is the corroboration.

What it does not showThis is concentration, not coordination — capped direct gifts beside uncoordinated super-PAC money. Capped direct money and uncoordinated PAC money must never be summed into one 'X funded her by $Y' figure. No quid pro quo is alleged. The Mandel cross-channel match rests on name+Greenwich+spouse identity (Steve/Stephen, Sue/Susan Z, both Greenwich) — a strong same-person read.

Verify it yourself1) FEC C00900431 (Conley) Schedule A: search bekenstein (Joshua + Anita, Wayland MA, $14,000 net 6/30/2025), mandel (Steve + Sue, Greenwich CT, $14,000 net 6/23/2025), brenner (David, Waccabuc NY, $7,000 net). 2) FEC C00418897 (VoteVets) Schedule A: bekenstein $375,000 (4/28/2026), mandel $150,000 x2 (3/27/2026), brenner $40,000 + $10,000. 3) Match donors across both committees.

Primary documents fec-votevets-donors-sample100.json

1. FEC Schedule A, committee C00900431 (the FEC Schedule A data)
2. FEC VoteVets C00418897; the VoteVets donor file

What the record showsConley's House candidate financial disclosure (Filing ID #10076406, signed 5/19/2026, period 1/1/2025-4/30/2026) reports $328,283.15 in Schedule C earned income from two firms: Hidden Level, Inc. (salary $152,743.07 preceding-year + Consulting Fee $92,500.00 current + $48,040.08 preceding = $293,283.15) and Primer (Consulting Fee $10,000.00 current + $25,000.00 preceding = $35,000). The line items reconcile exactly to $328,283.15. Both firms sit in the Palantir-orbit defense/surveillance-AI ecosystem.

EvidenceFiling ID #10076406 Schedule C: Hidden Level salary N/A current / $152,743.07 preceding; Hidden Level Consulting Fee $92,500.00 / $48,040.08; Primer Consulting Fee $10,000.00 / $25,000.00. Components sum to $328,283.15.

Independent corroborationTwo independent outlets cite the same $328,283 figure: Yonkers Times ('$328,283 from Hidden Level + Primer (incl. a $152,743 salary)') and David McKay Wilson ('$328k she earned from AI, drone firms'). The line-item sum is reproducible from the disclosure PDF text.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is lawful private-sector income earned after she left government, not a contract, payment, or anything procured by an agency she ran. CISA bought $0 from both firms (verified, see exculpatory anchor); Primer holds zero DHS/CBP/ICE contracts; she denies any Palantir or ICE work. The income is documented and legal; the contested questions are concealment and adjacency, not legality. Note: the form is a House Clerk Financial Disclosure (FD), commonly called the OGE Form 278e format; the form face shows period '1/1/2025-7/14/2026' but the Comments section states the correct period is 1/1/2025-4/30/2026 (filing-system error).

Verify it yourselfRun pdftotext -layout on Filing ID #10076406 and sum the Schedule C lines: Hidden Level 152743.07 + 92500.00 + 48040.08 = 293283.15; Primer 10000.00 + 25000.00 = 35000; total 328283.15.

Primary documents oge-278e-10076406.pdfintercept-2026-02-09.htmlarchivedyonkerstimes-dossier-earthquake.htmlarchived

1. House Clerk Financial Disclosure Filing ID #10076406 (Cait Conley, signed 5/19/2026) - the disclosure PDF
2. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 - https://theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/
3. Yonkers Times, 6/11/2026 - https://yonkerstimes.com/cait-conley-dossier-is-an-earthquake-for-the-ny-17-democratic-primary/
4. David McKay Wilson (Hudson Valley Digger), 5/20/2026 - https://davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/davidson-questions-conley-over-328k

What the record showsConley's platform promises, in substance, to rein in ICE, prohibit masked agents, revoke 287(g) agreements, pass 'clear data privacy laws,' and impose 'strict standards for how federal agencies use AI, including transparency and human oversight.' During the disclosure period she was a paid employee/consultant of Hidden Level and Primer — two Palantir-orbit surveillance- and defense-AI vendors — and has said she cannot describe the work, citing NDAs. The contrast between the platform and the paycheck is the core of this finding.

Evidencecaitconley.com policy planks (privacy/AI-oversight and ICE); Filing ID #10076406 (income from the two vendors).

Independent corroborationThe platform-vs-paycheck contrast is the explicit frame of the Davidson primary mailer ('Cait Conley Works for an AI firm Helping Trump's DHS & ICE') and of Yonkers Times / Judge Street Journal coverage; the DoD-only / $0-DHS record is confirmed via USASpending API.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: neither firm holds an ICE, CBP, or DHS contract in the federal database — every confirmed prime award for both is Department of Defense, and The Intercept confirmed Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal' with DHS; USASpending returns $0 DHS for Hidden Level and only unrelated 'Primero Services' under DHS. The defensible claim is adjacency (she profited from the broader surveillance/defense-AI industry) plus concealment, NOT that her firms hold deportation contracts or that she steered any. Policy-page wording is time-sensitive; confirm exact phrasing against a current snapshot before publication.

Verify it yourselfCross-read caitconley.com/policy (saved as caitconley_policy.html in the-donor-network sources) against the Filing ID #10076406 income; confirm both firms' DoD-only / $0-DHS contract record on USASpending.

Primary documents oge-278e-10076406.pdfcaitconley_policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy
2. Filing ID #10076406
3. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 - https://theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/
4. USASpending.gov (DoD-only award record for both firms; $0 DHS)

What the record showsA USASpending scan returns zero awards and $0 obligated from CISA (sub-tier funding/awarding agency) to Hidden Level, Primer Technologies, and Primer Federal. A DHS-toptier scan likewise returns 0 awards for Hidden Level and, for 'Primer,' only the unrelated janitorial firm 'Primero Services, Inc.' The only DoD contract touching an entity Conley served is Primer's $2.996M USSOCOM social-media-monitoring award, which pre-dates her Primer pay (post-Jan 2025).

EvidenceUSASpending spending_by_award with funding/awarding agency filtered to Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency: 0 results for Hidden Level, Primer Technologies, Primer Federal. DHS-toptier: 0 for Hidden Level; only 'Primero Services' (unrelated) for 'Primer'.

Independent corroborationIndependently re-run today against the live USASpending API (not a stored census): CISA = 0 awards for Hidden Level + both Primer entities; DHS = 0 for Hidden Level. The Intercept separately confirms Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal' with DHS.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is a documented absence in the public spending database, not a FOIA-confirmed 'none.' Classified/IC contracts, sub-awards, and reseller (Carahsoft/SEWP) orders can be opaque or post late. But on the public record there is no contract-steering: no agency Conley directed bought from a firm then paying her.

Verify it yourselfPOST to https://api.usaspending.gov/api/v2/search/spending_by_award/ with recipient_search_text 'Hidden Level' (and 'Primer Technologies'/'Primer Federal'), award_type_codes A-D, and agencies filter {type:funding,tier:subtier,name:'Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency'}; confirm 0 results. Repeat with toptier 'Department of Homeland Security'.

1. USASpending.gov / FPDS-NG (CISA funding/awarding scan: 0 for both firms)
2. USASpending.gov (DHS-toptier scan: 0 Hidden Level; only unrelated 'Primero Services' for Primer)

What the record showsOf $2,645,257.86 in total receipts reported by CAIT FOR NEW YORK (FEC C00900431 / candidate H6NY17171, coverage 1/1/2025-3/31/2026), only about $217,725 - approximately 8% - came from donors inside New York's 17th Congressional District. The dossier states the in-district share of all receipts is 'under 9%.' Conley brands herself a hometown Hudson Valley candidate, but the home district supplied a small fraction of her money.

EvidenceFEC candidate totals for H6NY17171 (snapshot the FEC candidate totals confirms receipts=$2,645,257.86 to the penny); dossier money summary computed from FEC Schedule A with ZIP-based district classification.

Independent corroborationthe FEC candidate totals independently confirms receipts=$2,645,257.86; raw Schedule A reconciles to the FEC itemized total exactly (see finding on dedup methodology).

What it does not showThe in-district figure rests on ZIP-based classification with a small boundary margin; different methodologies in the same corpus yield 8% (~$217,725 of total receipts), 12.4% of itemized individual money, and ~16% of individual money / ~12% of receipts after FEC dedup. My independent crude 3-digit-ZIP-prefix approximation overcounts (it sweeps in NY-16/NY-18 Westchester ZIPs), which is exactly why precise ZIP-to-district mapping matters; all rigorous measures land between 8% and 16%, i.e. under one-fifth. Raising nationally is legal and common for competitive challengers; the figure measures concentration, not any violation.

Verify it yourselfPull Schedule A for C00900431 from FEC.gov, classify each itemized contribution by donor ZIP against the precise NY-17 boundary (not just 3-digit prefix), and compare the in-district sum to total receipts ($2,645,257.86). Confirm receipts on the FEC totals page or the FEC candidate totals.

Primary documents the FEC candidate totals

1. FEC candidate H6NY17171 totals: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. Wayback FEC candidate page: https://web.archive.org/web/20260101165041/https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
3. Local: research/sources/the-money/the FEC candidate totals
4. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'THE MONEY IN BRIEF' (line 35) and 'Whose District Is It?' (line 308)

What the record showsInside New York State, Conley's money is a Manhattan-and-Brooklyn story, not a Hudson Valley one. The city's boroughs supplied $431,845 (New York/Manhattan county $284,881, Brooklyn $73,575, a separate Manhattan line $60,139, Bronx $13,250) - more than the entire in-district NY-17 total of $236,596 combined. That in-district figure is just 12.4% of her itemized individual money.

EvidenceRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A (dedup): NEW YORK $284,880.64, BROOKLYN $73,575.00, separate MANHATTAN line $60,138.97, BRONX $13,250.00 = $431,844.61, matching the dossier's $431,845 to the dollar.

Independent corroborationAll four borough/city line items reproduce the dossier figures to the dollar from raw data.

What it does not showThe $236,596 in-district figure here is the itemized-individual measure (12.4%); other measures in the corpus put the all-receipts in-district share lower (~8-9%). City totals reflect contributor-listed city, which can differ slightly from precise borough boundaries.

Verify it yourselfAggregate dedup Schedule A for C00900431 by contributor_city (NY state); sum NEW YORK ($284,880.64) + BROOKLYN ($73,575) + MANHATTAN ($60,138.97) + BRONX ($13,250) = $431,844.61, and compare against the in-district NY-17 town sum ($236,596).

1. FEC candidate H6NY17171: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Whose District Is It?' (line 308)

What the record showsVoteVets (FEC C00418897) reported exactly $508,591.99 in independent expenditures supporting Conley - across four TV buys placed through Targeted Platform Media and Backstory Strategies (FEC Schedule E). That single outside ad campaign is larger than her entire under-$200 small-dollar base ($461,464.12) by roughly $47,000. The widely cited '$1 million' VoteVets figure is its announced buy, not its reported spending.

EvidenceRecomputed from the FEC Schedule E data: the four VoteVets support buys = $149,995.55 (6/1) + $8,600.44 (5/29) + $249,996.00 (5/26) + $100,000.00 (5/26) = $508,591.99, all support indicator 'S', $0 opposing. The 5th Schedule E line ($381.82, 2/25, payee Trilogy Interactive) is from DMFI PAC, NOT VoteVets - so the VoteVets-only figure is precisely $508,591.99 and the all-committee Schedule E total is $508,973.81. City & State confirms the '$1 million' announced cable buy.

Independent corroborationSchedule E recomputation matches $508,591.99 to the penny; City & State NY article (downloaded + submitted to Wayback) independently confirms the $1M announced buy and the ad-buy detail ('From combat zones to the Situation Room' spot on ESPN/HGTV/Lifetime/Hallmark/Yankees & Mets games).

What it does not showSuper PAC spending is legally independent and uncoordinated; no coordination is alleged. The IE supports her ($508,592) with $0 spent against her. The comparison is to her small-dollar base, not to her total receipts (which exceed the IE). Note the $508,591.99 is VoteVets only; do not conflate with the separate $381.82 DMFI line.

Verify it yourselfLoad the FEC Schedule E data, isolate the four lines where committee==VOTEVETS and support_oppose=='S', sum to $508,591.99; confirm the 5th line ($381.82) is DMFI PAC. Compare $508,591.99 to the unitemized individual total ($461,464.12) on Conley's FEC totals page - difference is ~$47,128.

Primary documents cityandstate_votevets_1m_ad.htmlarchivedfec_votevets_scheduleE_local_snapshot.json

1. FEC Schedule E for VoteVets C00418897
2. the FEC Schedule E data
3. City & State NY: https://www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/413804/
4. Local: research/sources/the-money/cityandstate_votevets_1m_ad.html
5. Local: research/sources/the-money/fec_votevets_scheduleE_local_snapshot.json
6. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Grassroots Mirage'

What the record showsThrough March 31, 2026, only 17.4% of receipts ($461,464.12) came from small-dollar (sub-$200, unitemized) donors. The other 82.2% came from itemized individuals ($1,901,117.92, 71.9%), other-committee/PAC money ($108,050, 4.1%), and joint-fundraising transfers from authorized committees ($166,251.27, 6.3%). For a primary increasingly argued on grassroots authenticity, roughly four of every five dollars came from maxed-out donors, PACs, and JFC transfers - not the small-dollar base.

Evidencethe FEC candidate totals confirms all four receipt-component lines to the penny; this is the dollar-composition twin of the '82% big-money' finding.

Independent corroborationAll four lines confirmed to the penny against the archived FEC snapshot. This finding overlaps heavily with the '82% big-money, 17.4% small-dollar' finding - they are two framings of the same composition; recommend merging or cross-referencing them at publish time.

What it does not showAll categories are legal and disclosed. The $166,251 in JFC transfers is its own bucket; the $112,150 Majority Democrats joint-fundraising money sits inside it and is not additive to it. This is a dollar-composition finding, not a violation.

Verify it yourselfRead the four receipt-component lines (itemized individual $1,901,117.92, unitemized individual $461,464.12, other committees $108,050, transfers from authorized committees $166,251.27) on the FEC totals page / candidate-totals data for H6NY17171 and compute each as a share of receipts ($2,645,257.86).

Primary documents the FEC candidate totals

1. FEC candidate H6NY17171 totals: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. Local: research/sources/the-money/the FEC candidate totals
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Anointed Carpetbagger' and 'The Grassroots Mirage' sections

What the record showsRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A using the agency's own deduplication flag (which strips ActBlue conduit double-counting), only roughly one in seven of Conley's itemized individual dollars - about $329,000, or ~16% of individual money and ~12% of total receipts - came from inside NY-17. Her largest money centers were the NYC core (~$453K), San Francisco ($51,775), Palo Alto ($41,000), Greenwich, CT ($38,983), and Boston ($36,400).

EvidenceDedup methodology VALIDATED: dropping FEC memo-subtotal rows (memo_code=='X' / memoed_subtotal==true, 2,043 of 4,332 rows) from raw Schedule A reduces the individual sum from $2,039,528.53 (raw, double-counted) to exactly $1,901,117.92 - matching the FEC official individual_itemized_contributions line to the penny. This proves the dedup approach is sound; the ~$329,000 in-district figure is computed on this clean base.

Independent corroborationSTRONGEST methodological validation in the beat: the dedup flag reproduces the FEC official itemized total to the penny ($1,901,117.92), confirming the cleaning pipeline that underlies every in-district/geographic finding.

What it does not showThis dedup-based itemized figure (~16% of individual money) differs from the simpler measures (12.4% of itemized, ~8% of all receipts) because of differing denominators and conduit handling; all point the same direction. ZIP-to-district mapping carries a small boundary margin.

Verify it yourselfLoad the FEC Schedule A data; confirm dropping memoed_subtotal==true rows yields the exact FEC itemized total $1,901,117.92 (this validates dedup); then classify the deduplicated rows by donor ZIP against NY-17 and sum (~$329,000, ~16% of individual money, ~12% of receipts).

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed; dedup validated against FEC totals)
2. FEC H6NY17171: https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/candidate/H6NY17171/totals/?cycle=2026
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Anointed Carpetbagger vs. the Local Field'

What the record showsHer finance record shows roughly half her itemized money originates outside New York: of $1,901,117.92 in itemized individual contributions (out of $2,645,257.86 total receipts through 3/31/2026, committee C00900431), 48.9% of donors and ~50.4% of dollars are inside New York State. On top of her campaign sits a $508,591.99 VoteVets independent expenditure and VoteVets' own publicly announced $1 million cable buy. VoteVets' single largest funder is Deborah J. Simon, the mall-REIT heiress, who gave VoteVets $1,500,000 — and she also maxed Conley directly at $7,000.

EvidenceFEC C00900431 receipts and itemized totals (saved the FEC candidate totals: receipts 2645257.86, individual_itemized_contributions 1901117.92); in-state share computed from the committee's contributor records; VoteVets press release (saved locally) on the $1M buy; FEC cross-giving record (saved the cross-giving data) for Simon's $1.5M to VoteVets and $7,000 to Conley.

Independent corroborationThree independent layers: (1) FEC official the FEC candidate totals reproduces receipts/itemized totals to the cent; (2) my own recompute of the clean the itemized-individual data gives 50.2% dollars / 48.9% donors in-state, matching the vetted 50.4%/48.9%; (3) VoteVets press release, City & State NY, and McKay Wilson's substack all independently report the $1M buy, and the FEC the cross-giving data confirms Simon's $1.5M to VoteVets ($1M + $500K) and her $7,000 to Conley.

What it does not showOut-of-state fundraising and friendly Super PAC support are common and legal in competitive House races. The figures describe the geography and structure of her support, not any unlawful coordination; independent expenditures are by law uncoordinated with the campaign. My recomputation of in-state dollar share from the clean the itemized-individual data gave 50.2% (vs vetted 50.4%); the small gap is because the tsv sums to $1,897,117.92 while the FEC-official itemized total is $1,901,117.92 — use the FEC-official figure.

Verify it yourselfOpen the FEC candidate totals (or FEC.gov committee C00900431 totals) for the receipts/itemized figures. Recompute in-state share with awk over the itemized-individual data (state field NY). Confirm the VoteVets $1M buy in the archived copy / press release, and Simon's $1.5M-to-VoteVets + $7,000-to-Conley in the cross-giving data.

Primary documents votevets-1m-conley.htmlarchived

1. FEC C00900431 — $2,645,257.86 total receipts; $1,901,117.92 itemized individual contributions
2. Committee contributor records — ~48.9% of donors / ~50.4% of dollars in-state
3. VoteVets press release — $1M NY-17 cable ad buy (2026-05-28)
4. FEC donor file — Deborah J. Simon $1.5M to VoteVets; $7,000 to Conley

What the record showsConley's policy page presents her as the federal government's senior official overseeing election infrastructure security at CISA. Her OGE Form 278e (filing #10076406, period 1/1/2025-4/30/2026) discloses Schedule C earned income from Hidden Level (salary $152,743.07 plus consulting $92,500 current and $48,040.08 preceding) and Primer ($10,000 current plus $25,000 preceding), aggregating to roughly $328,283 in defense and surveillance-AI income. She has confirmed she signed nondisclosure agreements with these clients and could not elaborate on the work. The tension is between a campaign posture adjacent to constraining surveillance technology and a recent paycheck from the surveillance-AI sector whose substance is NDA-shielded.

EvidenceOGE Form 278e filing #10076406 (Schedule C, Hidden Level and Primer income) — held in the cait-conley-fec repo and itemized in the biographical index and the federal-contracts analysis; The Intercept 2/9/2026; David McKay Wilson (lohud) 'Davidson questions Conley over $328k she earned from AI, drone firms.'

Independent corroborationTwo independent corroborations of the ~$328k figure beyond the OGE form itself: (1) David McKay Wilson / lohud headline 'Davidson questions Conley over $328k she earned from AI, drone firms'; (2) the the claims-vs-records review review row #25 marks it CONFIRMED (self-filed). The Intercept independently confirms the two firms and the NDA acknowledgment.

What it does not showThe income is fully and voluntarily disclosed on her own federal filing — the opposite of concealing its existence. What is shielded is the substance of the work, which the NDAs prevent her from describing (a common feature of national-security consulting). The defensible characterization is adjacency plus non-disclosure of the work product, not any wrongdoing in the income itself. The Intercept's 2/9/2026 piece used a narrower 'more than $80,000 between January 2024 and July 2025' framing; the ~$328,283 figure is sourced to the OGE form's full reporting period, and is now independently corroborated by lohud's '$328k' headline.

Verify it yourselfPull OGE filing #10076406 from disclosures-clerk.house.gov and sum the Hidden Level ($152,743.07 + $92,500 + $48,040.08) and Primer ($10,000 + $25,000) Schedule C entries (~$328,283). Confirm the NDA acknowledgment and the firms in the archived copy and in lohud's '$328k' coverage.

Primary documents intercept-conley-palantir.htmlarchived

1. OGE Form 278e filing #10076406 (Hidden Level + Primer Schedule C income)
2. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 (firms + NDA; narrower $80,000+ figure)
3. David McKay Wilson / lohud — 'Davidson questions Conley over $328k she earned from AI, drone firms'

What the record showsThree joint-fundraising committees moved money into CAIT FOR NEW YORK: the New Politics Next Mission Fund ($31,077.60), the VoteVets HELLCAT Victory Fund ($17,905.80, registered in Arizona — the home state of fellow Hell Cat JoAnna Mendoza), and New Politics Hellcats ($5,117.90) — $54,101.30 combined. Conley's committee lists 'NEW POLITICS HELLCATS' as an FEC-affiliated committee. Separately, 48 of her itemized donors also fund a slate-mate (Bennett 29, Sullivan 26, Mendoza 19; 7 fund all three).

EvidenceRecomputed from the PAC-transfer data (Conley FEC Schedule A transfers): New Politics Next Mission Fund non-memo lines = $12,606.20 + $3,822.64 + $13,821.45 + $827.30 = $31,077.59 (~$31,077.60); VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund = $3,869.62 + $14,036.16 = $17,905.78 (~$17,905.80); New Politics Hellcats = $3,947.79 + $1,170.11 = $5,117.90. Combined = $54,101.27. Memo-X lines were excluded as non-additive sub-items. Donor-overlap counts (48/29/26/19/7) confirmed verbatim in the aggregate analysis.

Independent corroborationThe JFC totals reconcile to the dollar in the FEC export (the PAC-transfer data), and the donor-overlap counts are independently stated in the aggregate analysis's cross-giving analysis.

What it does not showJoint-fundraising committees are a routine, legal mechanism for slate fundraising — documentation of shared slate infrastructure, not any allegation of improper coordination. Memo-X lines in the FEC export must not be added to the totals.

Verify it yourselfPull CAIT FOR NEW YORK Schedule A on FEC.gov and filter for transfers from the three named JFCs; sum non-memo lines; confirm 'New Politics Hellcats' as affiliated on her Statement of Organization. Reproduce via: awk -F'\t' on the PAC-transfer data summing non-X lines per committee.

Primary documents conley-pac-the underlying data

1. FEC committee filings for CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431); the PAC-transfer data
2. the aggregate analysis — donor-overlap counts (48 fund a slate-mate; Bennett 29, Sullivan 26, Mendoza 19; 7 fund all three)
3. FEC committee record: VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund (joint-fundraising committee)

What the record showsOn top of the ~$54,101 from the three Hell Cats joint-fundraising committees, VoteVets gave Conley's campaign $5,000 directly (6/18/2025) and Seth Moulton's Serve America PAC gave $5,000 directly (11/20/2025) — bringing roughly $64,101 into her committee straight from the recruitment/slate apparatus.

Evidencethe PAC-transfer data confirms VOTEVETS $5,000 direct (2025-06-18) and SERVE AMERICA PAC $5,000 (2025-11-20, non-memo). $54,101 (JFCs) + $5,000 + $5,000 = $64,101.

Independent corroborationBoth direct contributions appear as discrete dated rows in the PAC-transfer data with non-memo flags, separate from the JFC transfers.

What it does not showDirect PAC contributions are capped and disclosed; this is aggregation of legal contributions, not a coordination claim. The figure counts only direct committee checks plus JFC transfers, not VoteVets' separate independent expenditures and not the $5,500 in Serve America conduit pass-throughs.

Verify it yourselfSum the three JFC transfers plus the VoteVets ($5,000, 6/18/2025) and Serve America ($5,000, 11/20/2025) direct PAC contributions on Conley's FEC Schedule A.

Primary documents conley-pac-the underlying data

1. FEC, CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431) Schedule A; the PAC-transfer data
2. FEC committee C00571174 (Serve America PAC) disbursements

What the record showsVoteVets reported $508,591.99 in independent expenditures supporting Conley (FEC Schedule E, all TV ad buys/production) and ran a ~$1M cable buy in May 2026. VoteVets is largely funded by labor unions and large Democratic PACs; its single largest individual backer for the cycle is mall-REIT heiress Deborah Simon ($1.5M), with Bain's Joshua Bekenstein next at $375,000, and the Mandel household (Lone Pine) at $300,000.

EvidenceFEC Schedule E (the FEC Schedule E data, re-summed): VOTEVETS IE supporting Conley = $508,591.99 exactly (5 rows, all to VoteVets). the VoteVets donor file (re-summed): SIMON, DEBORAH J $1,500,000; BEKENSTEIN, JOSHUA $375,000; MANDEL, SUSAN Z $150,000 + MANDEL, STEPHEN $150,000 = $300,000 household; UA Plumbers & Pipefitters PAC $250,000. City & State NY 5/28/2026 confirms the $1M cable buy.

Independent corroborationFEC Schedule E (re-summed to $508,591.99 exactly), VoteVets donor file (top donors re-confirmed), and City & State (re-fetched, $1M buy confirmed) all corroborate.

What it does not showVoteVets is overwhelmingly labor-funded with only ~$20K of corporate PAC money — an establishment/big-donor vehicle, not a corporate one. Independent expenditures are by law uncoordinated with the campaign; no quid pro quo is alleged.

Verify it yourselfPull FEC Schedule E filtered to Conley for VoteVets IEs (sum = $508,591.99); re-sum the VoteVets donor file by contributor; read City & State for the $1M buy.

Primary documents fec-schedule-e-conley-IE.json

1. FEC Schedule E for CAIT FOR NEW YORK; the FEC Schedule E data
2. www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/41380
3. www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/investigations/3273269/veteran-pac-bankrolled-democratic-establi
4. the VoteVets donor file — VoteVets donor file

What the record showsThe donor loop is documented to the dollar: Joshua Bekenstein (Bain) gave $7,000 direct ($14,000 household with Anita) plus $375,000 to VoteVets; Stephen and Susan Mandel (Lone Pine) gave $14,000 direct plus $300,000 to VoteVets, and Sue Mandel separately put ~$3.63M into Majority Democrats PAC (which bundled $112,150 into Conley); Mark Heising (Medley Partners) gave $7,000 direct plus ~$1.005M to Majority Democrats PAC; Deborah Simon gave $7,000 direct plus $1.5M to VoteVets. Among major donors, only seven gave to all four Hell Cats candidates.

Evidencethe itemized-individual data (re-checked): BEKENSTEIN JOSHUA $7,000 + ANITA $7,000; MANDEL STEVE $7,000 + SUE $7,000; HEISING MARK $7,000; SIMON DEBORAH $7,000. the VoteVets donor file: Bekenstein $375,000, Simon $1.5M, Mandel household $300,000. the aggregate analysis + the itemized bundle breakdown: Sue Mandel $3.63M and Heising $1.005M into MD PAC; MD PAC bundled $112,150 (confirmed in the PAC-transfer data); 7 donors fund all four Hell Cats.

Independent corroborationDirect gifts confirmed in the itemized-individual data; VoteVets legs confirmed in the VoteVets donor file; MD PAC legs and the $112,150 bundle confirmed in the PAC-transfer data + digests.

What it does not showAll legal and FEC-disclosed. Direct-to-candidate money (capped, ~$7K/person) and uncapped Super PAC money must never be merged into a single 'they own her' figure. This is concentration of the same names across legal channels, not coordination, and no quid pro quo is alleged.

Verify it yourselfCross-reference each named donor's direct gift on Conley's Schedule A with their VoteVets / Majority Democrats PAC contributions; search the itemized-individual data, the VoteVets donor file, the PAC-transfer data.

1. FEC, CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431) Schedule A; the itemized-individual data
2. FEC, VoteVets (C00418897) and Majority Democrats / MD PAC filings; the VoteVets donor file
3. the cross-giving data; the aggregate analysis; the itemized bundle breakdown

What the record showsOn 3/11/2026 the FEC's Reports Analysis Division sent Conley's treasurer a Request for Additional Information noting that her report disclosed transfers from 'VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund' that 'appear to be received through joint fundraising efforts,' but that the fund 'is not disclosed as a joint fundraising representative on your Statement of Organization.' One day later, on 3/12/2026, the campaign filed an amended Statement of Organization adding the VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund as a joint-fundraising representative — a fund its 2/20/2026 amendment had left off.

EvidenceLocal FEC RFAI PDF (fec-rfai-votevets-jfc-20260311.pdf), text extracted: 'transfers from ... VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund that appear to be received through joint fundraising efforts. However, VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund is not disclosed as a joint fundraising representative on your Statement of Organization. Please amend your Statement of Organization to disclose the joint fundraising ...' and 'could result in an audit or enforcement action.' Local Form 1 amendments dated 3/12/2026 and 2/20/2026 confirm the next-day cure.

Independent corroborationThe RFAI PDF text (extracted locally) confirms the disclosure gap verbatim; the two local Form 1 amendment PDFs (3/12 and 2/20) confirm the next-day cure.

What it does not showAn RFAI is a routine request to cure or clarify a disclosure gap — not a finding of a violation, an audit, or an enforcement action. The campaign cured it the next day. What is notable is that the candidate whose largest outside boost is a VoteVets IE failed to name the VoteVets JFC vehicle until the regulator asked.

Verify it yourselfRead the cited FEC RFAI PDF and the two Form 1 amendments to confirm the gap and the next-day cure; the three PDFs are saved in the beat sources directory.

Primary documents fec-rfai-votevets-jfc-20260311.pdffec-form1-20260220.pdffec-form1-amended-20260312.pdf

1. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/260/202603110300342260/202603110300342260.pdf — FEC RFAI
2. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/265/202603129837940265/202603129837940265.pdf — 3/12/2026 amended Form 1
3. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/316/202602209837772316/202602209837772316.pdf — 2/20/2026 Form 1

What the record showsConley's House candidate disclosure (#10076406, signed May 19, 2026) lists on Schedule A: NVIDIA common stock (NVDA) valued $15,001–$50,000 (Dividends, $1–$200 both years), AMD inside a Roth IRA valued $15,001–$50,000 (Tax-Deferred), Bitcoin ($1,001–$15,000), Ethereum ($1,001–$15,000), the ARK Innovation ETF (ARKK, in Roth IRA), and Fidelity Large Cap Stock Fund (FLCSX, $15,001–$50,000, in Roth IRA). The same filing's Schedule C shows her income from defense-AI firms Hidden Level (salary $152,743.07 preceding year, plus Consulting Fee $92,500.00 current + $48,040.08 preceding = $140,540.08) and Primer (Consulting Fee $10,000.00 current + $25,000.00 preceding = $35,000.00) — totaling about $328,000. NVDA and AMD are the leading AI-chip names underpinning the defense-AI and airspace-surveillance systems her former employers operate in.

EvidenceHouse Clerk Filing ID #10076406, Schedules A and C (read locally, all 3 pages)

Independent corroborationSchedule A/C figures verified verbatim from the the disclosure PDF. The ~$328,000 total ($152,743.07 + $140,540.08 + $35,000 = $328,283.15) is independently corroborated by The Intercept (2/9/2026) and the Hudson Valley Digger headline ('$328k'). The Hidden Level/Primer-Palantir adjacency is corroborated by The Intercept (Hidden Level data used in Palantir's Maven platform) and Yonkers Times ('two companies that partner with Palantir').

What it does not showWhat it does not show: holding publicly traded stock is legal and common, and there is no evidence of insider trading or any STOCK Act violation, and none is alleged. The acquisition dates are not on the candidate report, so the overlap is a conflict-of-interest and transparency question, not proof of wrongdoing. It does not show she steered any contract — and per The Intercept, Hidden Level holds a Department of War (not DHS/CISA) contract and Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal with [DHS].'

Verify it yourselfRead Schedules A and C of #10076406 (the archived copy or Wayback); confirm the NVDA/AMD valuation ranges and the Hidden Level / Primer income lines. Cross-check the $328k total against The Intercept and the McKay Wilson headline.

Primary documents house-fd-10076406.pdf

1. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/10076406.pdf — Schedule A holdings a
2. theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/ — Hidden Level / Primer / Pala

What the record showsBain Capital co-chairman Joshua Bekenstein and his wife Anita each gave Conley the $7,000 individual maximum ($14,000 household, both 2025-06-30, Wayland MA), and Bekenstein separately wrote $375,000 to VoteVets on 2026-04-28. Lone Pine Capital founder Stephen Mandel and his wife Sue gave $14,000 combined direct ($7,000 each, 2025-06-23, Greenwich CT), $300,000 to VoteVets ($150,000 each, 2026-03-27, Greenwich), and the Mandel household put ~$7.26M into Majority Democrats PAC (MD PAC) -- the hybrid PAC that bundled $112,150 into Conley. VoteVets reported $508,591.99 in independent expenditures supporting Conley as of the June 5 data pull; that figure has since grown to $826,879.67 (live FEC Schedule E, 2026-06-12).

EvidenceFEC Schedule A (Cait for New York, C00900431) confirms Bekenstein $14K household 2025-06-30 (Joshua employer BAIN CAPITAL) and Mandel $14K household 2025-06-23 (Steve employer LONE PINE CAPITAL). Live FEC API confirms Mandel household to MD PAC C00911321 = $7,260,000 (Sue $3,625,000 + Stephen $3,635,000). VoteVets local sample confirms Simon $1.5M, Bekenstein $375K, Mandels $300K combined. Live Schedule E: VoteVets (C00418897) IE supporting H6NY17171 now $826,879.67.

Independent corroborationVerified against three independent layers: local FEC extracts (the FEC Schedule A data, the VoteVets donor file), the live FEC API (candidate totals, MD PAC receipts, Schedule E), and secondary reporting (Common Dreams confirms Bekenstein as a top WelcomePAC patron). Bekenstein's $375K to VoteVets is a SEPARATE channel from his $375K to WelcomePAC (live FEC: Joshua $125K + Anita $125K + Joshua $125K = $375K, Oct 2024) -- i.e. he gave $375K to two different super PACs.

What it does not showNo quid pro quo is alleged or possible: super-PAC money is legally uncoordinated, and capped direct money ($7K/person) must never be summed with uncapped PAC/super-PAC money. The 'donor loop'/'same names stacked across every legal channel' framing reads as coordination; the defensible claim is shared donor identity across independent channels. CORRECTION/UPDATE: the $508,591.99 VoteVets figure was correct as of the June 5 pull but is now stale -- live data (2026-06-12) shows $826,879.67 from VoteVets alone, plus two NEW IE committees not in the original finding (New Democrat Majority super PAC $522,678; AFT Solidarity $150,000), pushing total outside support for Conley to ~$1.5M.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov, open committee C00900431 (Cait for New York) Receipts; search 'Bekenstein' (Joshua + Anita, both $7,000, 2025-06-30) and 'Mandel' (Steve + Sue, both $7,000, 2025-06-23). Open C00418897 (VoteVets) Receipts; search 'Bekenstein' ($375K), 'Mandel' ($150K each), 'Simon, Deborah' ($1M 2025-03-03 + $500K 2025-11-05). Open C00911321 (MD PAC) Receipts; search 'Mandel' (~$3.6M each). For the current IE total, query the FEC Schedule E API: https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_e/?candidate_id=H6NY17171&support_oppose_indicator=S&api_key=DEMO_KEY and sum expenditure_amount by committee_id (VoteVets C00418897 now ~$827K).

Primary documents schedule_e_supporting_conley_LIVE_2026-06-12.jsonthe FEC candidate totals-06-12.jsonfec_mdpac_C00911321_mandel.jsonfec_votevets_C00418897_simon.jsonthe VoteVets donor file_sample_100of25175.json

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 (Bekenstein $14K 2025-06-30; Mandel $14K 2025-06-23)
2. FEC VoteVets C00418897 receipts (Bekenstein $375K; Mandels $300K; Simon $1.5M)
3. FEC MD PAC C00911321 (Mandel household ~$7.26M)
4. FEC Schedule E supporting H6NY17171 (live: VoteVets $826,879.67)
5. api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_e/?candidate_id=H6NY17171&support_oppose_indicator=S

What the record showsDeborah Simon, daughter of Simon Property Group co-founder Melvin Simon, appears in Conley's money two legally separate ways: she maxed out to Conley's campaign at $7,000 (net of a standard primary/general split, 2025-05-22, Carmel IN, occupation 'UNEMPLOYED'), and separately put $1,500,000 into VoteVets ($1,000,000 on 2025-03-03 + $500,000 on 2025-11-05). That makes her VoteVets' single largest individual funder this cycle. VoteVets' reported independent expenditures supporting Conley were $508,591.99 at the June 5 pull and are now $826,879.67 (live). Conley's housing plank vows to 'crack down on corporate landlords,' and she takes no public position on the REIT dividend deduction (199A), 1031 exchanges, or Opportunity Zones the fortune runs on.

Evidencethe FEC Schedule A data: Simon $7,000 net to Conley (Carmel IN, UNEMPLOYED, 2025-05-22). Live FEC VoteVets: Simon $1M (2025-03-03) + $500K (2025-11-05), Carmel IN, NOT EMPLOYED = $1.5M. caitconley.com/policy verbatim: 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds...' Live Schedule E: VoteVets $826,879.67.

Independent corroborationSimon's $1.5M to VoteVets confirmed two ways (live FEC API + the VoteVets donor file sample). Her $7,000 direct confirmed in the Conley Schedule A extract. The 'crack down on corporate landlords' language confirmed verbatim by fetching caitconley.com/policy live and by an archived snapshot (2026-06-13).

What it does not showThe two channels must never be merged: $7,000 to Conley vs. $1.5M to a super PAC she cannot legally coordinate with. CAVEAT REFINED: the original 'about 4x the next-largest individual (Bekenstein at $375K)' overstates -- in the 100-record VoteVets sample, Frank Armstrong ($275K) and Amos Hostetter ($200K) are larger individuals than Bekenstein, so Simon is ~5.5x Armstrong / ~4x Bekenstein, not cleanly '4x the next-largest.' Simon IS the single largest individual. The VoteVets donor file is a 100-record sample of 25,175 receipts. No quid pro quo is alleged; this is concentration plus policy silence. VoteVets overall is majority labor-funded.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov open VoteVets (C00418897) Receipts, search 'Simon, Deborah' -- $1,000,000 (2025-03-03) and $500,000 (2025-11-05) appear. Open Cait for New York (C00900431), search 'Simon, Deborah' ($7,000 net, Carmel IN, 2025-05-22). Confirm the housing language at caitconley.com/policy/ and the absence of 199A/1031/OZ. For the current IE total, query Schedule E for H6NY17171.

Primary documents fec_votevets_C00418897_simon.jsoncaitconley_policy.htmlarchivedthe VoteVets donor file_sample_100of25175.json

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 (Simon $7,000 net, 2025-05-22)
2. FEC VoteVets C00418897 (Simon $1.5M)
3. FEC Schedule E supporting H6NY17171 (VoteVets $826,879.67 live)
4. www.ibj.com / InfluenceWatch (Deborah Simon profile)
5. caitconley.com/policy/ · archived

What the record showsVoteVets (FEC committee C00418897) has reported, as of the live FEC Schedule E on 6/12/2026, $826,879.67 in independent expenditures supporting Cait Conley (H6NY17171) and $0 against her — eight line items, every one a TV advertising buy or production cost, placed through Targeted Platform Media, LLC and Backstory Strategies LLC. The eight buys: $100,000 and $249,996 on 5/26/2026, $8,600.44 on 5/29/2026, $149,995.55 on 6/1/2026, $249,995.55 and $45,000 on 6/5/2026, $3,859.83 on 6/9/2026, and $19,432.30 on 6/10/2026. An earlier dossier snapshot (pulled ~6/4/2026) showed the first four buys plus a 2/25/2026 $381.82 digital item, totaling $508,973.81 (the four large buys alone = $508,591.99). Separately, VoteVets announced a $1 million cable buy supporting Conley in late May 2026 — a 30-second 'From combat zones to the Situation Room' spot for ESPN, HGTV, Lifetime, Hallmark, and live Yankees and Mets games. The $1M is the announced figure; the $826,879.67 is the current reported spend.

EvidenceLive FEC Schedule E API for candidate H6NY17171 / committee C00418897, support indicator 'S', queried 6/12/2026 (8 items, $826,879.67); early-June snapshot the FEC Schedule E data (5 items, $508,973.81; four large buys $508,591.99); City & State NY (5/28/2026) on the announced $1M cable buy and channel list.

Independent corroborationCity & State NY independently reports the $1M announced cable buy and channels; the FEC Schedule E independently documents the reported spend. Two independent confirmations of the air-war existence and scale.

What it does not showIndependent expenditures are by law uncoordinated with the candidate's campaign; no coordination is alleged or established. The $1M is an announced buy, not reported spending, and must not be added to the reported Schedule E. CORRECTION/UPDATE: the dossier's $508,591.99 was accurate as of ~6/4 but is now superseded — the live reported total is $826,879.67 and growing. The 2/25/2026 $381.82 Trilogy Interactive digital item present in the early snapshot is no longer in the live Schedule E for this candidate/committee (likely amended/recategorized).

Verify it yourself1) Go to fec.gov/data/independent-expenditures, filter candidate H6NY17171 (Conley), support_oppose=Support, spender C00418897 (VoteVets) — or hit the API at api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_e/?candidate_id=H6NY17171&committee_id=C00418897. As of 6/12/2026 you get 8 'S' line items summing to $826,879.67, payees Targeted Platform Media LLC and Backstory Strategies LLC, dates 5/26–6/10/2026. 2) Re-run periodically — the total has been climbing (was ~$508K on ~6/4). 3) Read the City & State NY article (5/28/2026) for the $1M announced buy and the ESPN/HGTV/Lifetime/Hallmark/Yankees/Mets channel list.

Primary documents fec-votevets-scheduleE-conley-LIVE-20260612.jsonfec-votevets-scheduleE-conley-SNAPSHOT-20260604.jsoncityandstate-votevets-1m-buy.htmlarchived

1. api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_e/?candidate_id=H6NY17171&committee_id=C00418897 (live, 8
2. www.fec.gov/data/independent-expenditures/?data_type=processed&candidate_id=H6NY17171&support_op
3. www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/41380 · archived
4. www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/

What the record showsConley's reform brand rests on a 'no corporate PAC money' posture, which is technically defensible at the front door: her direct PAC money ($108,050) comes from leadership, ideological, veterans, and labor PACs — not for-profit corporate connected PACs — and she is End Citizens United-endorsed (confirmed listed on their endorsements page). The contradiction is the side door: a single super PAC, VoteVets, has reported $826,879.67 (live) in outside ads for her, funded on the individual side by billionaires (Simon $1.5M, Bekenstein $375K, the Mandels $300K). Jacobin called the broader Democratic 'no corporate PAC money' pledge — made by Majority Democrats PAC and 'repeated by several of the candidates it's supporting' — a 'sleight of hand' that 'conveniently excludes billionaire donors and billionaire-funded super PACs.' The reform brand survives only if you do not follow the money out the side door.

EvidenceFEC candidate totals (other_political_committee_contributions = $108,050; political_party = $0; confirmed live and in snapshot); VoteVets donor file (billionaire individual tail) + live Schedule E ($826,879.67); Jacobin (4/2026) verbatim 'sleight of hand' quote (re Majority Democrats); End Citizens United endorsements page (Conley listed).

Independent corroborationFEC totals (front-door PAC composition), End Citizens United (the reform brand), and the FEC Schedule E + donor file (the side-door billionaire money) converge; Jacobin supplies the independent framing of the network-wide pledge.

What it does not showCLARIFICATION: Jacobin's 'sleight of hand' quote is specifically about Majority Democrats PAC's no-corporate-PAC pledge (and candidates repeating it), NOT a direct quote about VoteVets — VoteVets and Simon are not named in the Jacobin piece. Attribute precisely. The 'no corporate PAC' claim is true as to the front door — no for-profit corporate connected-PAC money to Conley's committee, and VoteVets itself is majority labor-funded. The contradiction is spirit-versus-letter (billionaire super-PAC money), not a broken legal pledge. No coordination is alleged.

Verify it yourself1) FEC candidate totals: other_political_committee_contributions = $108,050, political_party = $0 (confirm PAC types are leadership/ideological/veterans/labor, not for-profit corporate connected PACs). 2) End Citizens United endorsements page lists Cait Conley (NY-17). 3) Jacobin (4/2026): the 'sleight of hand' / 'conveniently excludes billionaire donors and billionaire-funded super PACs' quote is about Majority Democrats' no-corporate-PAC pledge. 4) Contrast with the $826,879.67 VoteVets IE and its billionaire individual donors.

Primary documents fec-conley-candidate-totals-LIVE.jsonjacobin-dark-money-2026-04.htmlarchivedfec-votevets-donors-sample100.json

1. FEC candidate totals C00900431 (other_political_committee_contributions $108,050)
2. FEC VoteVets C00418897; the VoteVets donor file
3. jacobin.com/2026/04/democratic-campaigns-finance-dark-money
4. www.endcitizensunited.org/endorsements

What the record showsConley has told voters she signed non-disclosure agreements with the firms and cannot speak publicly about her work, defaulting to discussing Hidden Level's sports-venue security when pressed. The ~$328,283 in surveillance-AI income did not appear on her campaign site, caitconley.com; it surfaced through her federally-required House financial disclosure and subsequent reporting, after which the income was 'scrubbed from her campaign site, citing NDAs.'

EvidenceFiling ID #10076406 (disclosed income); Yonkers Times 6/11/2026 ('scrubbed it from her campaign site, citing NDAs'); Judge Street Journal 6/12/2026 ('she signed nondisclosure agreements and cannot speak publicly about it').

Independent corroborationTwo independent outlets (Yonkers Times, Judge Street Journal) report the NDA claim in near-identical terms; both also tie it to the income being absent/scrubbed from her campaign site.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: NDAs are standard in defense-contracting work and disclosing the income on a campaign website is not legally required — the financial disclosure is the mandated venue and she filed it. The charge is a transparency/optics gap for a candidate running on government transparency, not a disclosure-law violation. SOURCING CORRECTION: the NDA confirmation is NOT in The Intercept's 2/9/2026 piece (which says only that her work is 'unclear'); attribute the NDA statement to Conley's own remarks as reported by Yonkers Times and Judge Street Journal, not to The Intercept.

Verify it yourselfRead the Yonkers Times (6/11/2026) and Judge Street Journal (6/12/2026) pieces for the verbatim NDA statements; confirm The Intercept (2/9/2026) contains NO 'non-disclosure'/'NDA'/'confidential' wording (search the archived HTML — 0 hits).

Primary documents yonkerstimes-dossier-earthquake.htmlarchivedjsj-primer-socom.htmlarchivedintercept-2026-02-09.htmlarchived

1. Filing ID #10076406
2. Yonkers Times, 6/11/2026 - https://yonkerstimes.com/cait-conley-dossier-is-an-earthquake-for-the-ny-17-democratic-primary/
3. Judge Street Journal, 6/12/2026 - https://judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/primer-won-a-socom-contract-during
4. caitconley.com (campaign site - income absent)

What the record showsConley's policy page states the goal verbatim: 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds that are buying up properties and pricing out working families.' Her FEC itemized contributions (committee C00900431, through 3/31/2026) name people who fit exactly that description: Steve Mandel, founder of Lone Pine Capital, gave $7,000; Joshua Bekenstein of Bain Capital gave $7,000; Michael Eisenson of Charlesbank Capital Partners gave $7,000; Vincent Ryan, chairman of Schooner Capital, gave $7,000; Norman Alpert of Vestar Capital Partners (private equity) gave $6,000; and real-estate developers Jonathan Rose (Jonathan Rose Companies), Steven Kristel (SGK Realty), and Richard Blumenstein (Dover Development) gave $7,000 each. Additional developers Jeffrey Gural (GFP Real Estate), Martin Berger (Saber), and Roger Tackeff (Renaissance Properties) gave $3,500 each, with a Hines real-estate cluster adding roughly $4,800.

EvidenceFEC committee C00900431 itemized individual contributions through 3/31/2026, cross-referenced against donor employer/occupation fields; caitconley.com/policy. Verified directly against the archived FEC clean file the itemized-individual data: MANDEL, STEVE (LONE PINE CAPITAL, FOUNDER) $7,000 on 2025-06-23; BEKENSTEIN, JOSHUA (BAIN CAPITAL, INVESTOR) $7,000; EISENSON, MICHAEL (CHARLESBANK CAPITAL PARTNERS, INVESTOR) $7,000; RYAN, VINCENT (SCHOONER CAPITAL LLC, CHAIRMAN) $7,000; ALPERT, NORMAN (VESTAR CAPITAL PARTNERS, PRIVATE EQUITY) $6,000 total; ROSE, JONATHAN (JONATHAN ROSE COMPANIES, REAL ESTATE DEVELOPER) $7,000; KRISTEL, STEVEN (SGK REALTY LLC, REAL ESTATE DEVELOPER) $7,000; BLUMENSTEIN, RICHARD (DOVER DEVELOPMENT, REAL ESTATE) $7,000; GURAL, JEFFREY (GFP REAL ESTATE) $3,500; BERGER, MARTIN (SABER, REAL ESTATE) $3,500; TACKEFF, ROGER (RENAISSANCE PROPERTIES CHAIRMAN) $3,500. The verbatim 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds' phrase confirmed in saved caitconley-policy.html.

Independent corroborationTwo independent layers: (1) saved local FEC clean file the itemized-individual data reproduces every named donor with employer, amount, and date; (2) cross-giving record independently confirms three of these donors (Mandel/Lone Pine, Bekenstein/Bain) are simultaneously six-figure VoteVets funders.

What it does not showThese are legal, disclosed contributions within federal limits; accepting money from an industry does not establish a quid pro quo or that any donor received anything in return. Two minor figure corrections from the source draft: the Vestar cluster aggregates to ~$7,900 (not ~$6,400) across Alpert, O'Connell, and Ansell, and the Hines cluster is ~$4,800 (not ~$4,950); the named individual checks above require no aggregation and are exact. A keyword-classified broader real-estate-plus-finance bloc aggregate (~$180k-$204k) is an inference and classification-dependent.

Verify it yourselfSearch FEC.gov individual contributions to committee C00900431 by the donor names listed and confirm employer/occupation fields; or search the archived the itemized-individual data (e.g. 'search -i MANDEL, EISENSON, RYAN, KRISTEL, BLUMENSTEIN'). Compare against the verbatim pledge on caitconley.com/policy or the archived copy.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy — 'Cracking down on corporate landlords and Wall Street hedge funds'
2. FEC C00900431 itemized contributions through 3/31/2026 (donor names, employers, amounts)

What the record showsConley's economic agenda leads with 'Ending entirely the Trump and Lawler-imposed SALT tax cap,' and the campaign maintains a standalone SALT page. The Tax Policy Center finds repealing the SALT cap is sharply regressive: in its analysis 'Repealing The SALT Cap Would Overwhelmingly Benefit Those With High Incomes,' households making '$430,000 or more would enjoy nearly three-quarters of the benefit,' and the cut averages 'more than $140,000 for the highest-income 0.1 percent of families' while providing 'little or no help to low- and middle-income households.' A companion TPC analysis finds more than 96 percent of the tax cut would go to the highest-income 20 percent of households, with a middle-income household's average cut about $30. This sits in tension with the campaign's framing of bringing down costs for working families.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy and caitconley.com/salt; Tax Policy Center analyses of SALT-cap repeal distribution.

Independent corroborationTwo independent TPC analyses converge on regressivity. The cited URL (archived Wayback 2025-12-31, fetched to local file) independently confirms the high-income skew via the '$430k/three-quarters' and 'top 0.1% / $140,000' figures, so the finding's thesis holds even if the exact '96%' quote belongs to the sibling article.

What it does not showSOURCE-ATTRIBUTION CORRECTION: the specific figures '96 percent to the highest-income 20 percent' and '$30 to a middle-income household' are NOT on the cited URL (taxpolicycenter.org/taxvox/repealing-salt-cap-would-overwhelmingly-benefit-those-high-incomes); that page instead states '$430,000 or more would enjoy nearly three-quarters of the benefit' and 'average more than $140,000 for the highest-income 0.1 percent.' The 96%/$30 figures come from a sibling TPC analysis ('SALT Cap Repeal Would Overwhelmingly Benefit High Income Households'). Both TPC analyses support the same regressivity thesis. Repealing the SALT cap is a mainstream position among many suburban NY Democrats and Republicans and is salient for high-tax-county homeowners; the TPC distribution describes who benefits most, not whether the policy is defensible.

Verify it yourselfRead the economic-agenda ordering on caitconley.com/policy (verbatim 'Ending entirely the Trump and Lawler-imposed SALT tax cap' confirmed in saved HTML and Wayback). For the TPC figures, note the '96%/$30' line lives in the article 'salt-cap-repeal-would-overwhelmingly-benefit-high-income-households'; the cited 'repealing-salt-cap...' URL (saved as tpc-salt-repeal-wayback.html) carries the '$430,000/three-quarters' and 'top 0.1% / $140,000' figures. TPC blocks direct fetch (Cloudflare); use the Wayback raw snapshot.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchivedcaitconley-salt.htmlarchivedtpc-salt-repeal-wayback.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy (SALT cap repeal leads economic agenda); caitconley.com/salt
2. Tax Policy Center — 'Repealing The SALT Cap Would Overwhelmingly Benefit Those With High Incomes' (taxpolicycenter.org)
3. Tax Policy Center — 'SALT Cap Repeal Would Overwhelmingly Benefit High Income Households' (96% / $30 figures)

What the record showsMajority Democrats PAC transferred $112,150 into CAIT FOR NEW YORK ($90,900 on 9/29/2025 plus $21,250 on 3/13/2026), her single largest institutional sum. The PAC's inaugural chair is Rep. Jake Auchincloss, who in late May 2026 called Maine Senate nominee Graham Platner 'personally disqualifying' on CNN over a Nazi-resembling tattoo. The PAC is seeded by hedge-fund fortunes — Sue Mandel (~$3.63M) and Mark Heising (~$1.005M) — the same households that max out to Conley directly.

Evidencethe PAC-transfer data (recomputed): MAJORITY DEMOCRATS PAC non-memo = $90,900 (2025-09-29) + $21,250 (2026-03-13) = $112,150 exactly; the third $21,250 line is memo-X (non-additive). The Intercept 5/28/2026 (re-fetched) confirms Auchincloss called Platner 'personally disqualifying' and said 'Democrats need to take back the Senate.' Mandel/Heising MD PAC figures from the aggregate analysis and the itemized bundle breakdown.

Independent corroborationthe PAC-transfer data (recomputed to $112,150 exactly) plus the re-fetched Intercept piece (Auchincloss/Platner quotes) corroborate.

What it does not show$112,150 is the correct figure; the third $21,250 line is a non-additive memo-X breakdown (never $133,400). CORRECTIONS: (1) the 'rooting for a Republican to win' charge attributed to UAW's Helen Brosnan is NOT in the cited Intercept Platner piece and must be sourced separately; (2) the Intercept Platner piece does NOT identify Auchincloss as Majority Democrats PAC chair — that fact is sourced from Wikipedia/other reporting. The 'personally disqualifying' quote and 'take back the Senate' are confirmed verbatim in the Intercept piece.

Verify it yourselfPull the Majority Democrats PAC transfers on Conley's FEC Schedule A (sum non-memo = $112,150); read the Intercept story for the 'personally disqualifying' quote.

Primary documents intercept-auchincloss-platner-20260528.htmlarchivedconley-pac-the underlying data

1. FEC, CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431) Schedule A — Majority Democrats PAC transfers
2. theintercept.com/2026/05/28/graham-platner-jake-auchincloss-democrats-maine-senate/ — The Interc
3. the itemized bundle breakdown; the PAC-transfer data

What the record showsDeborah Simon (Simon Property Group mall-REIT heiress) gave Conley $7,000 directly and is the single largest individual funder of VoteVets ($1.5M), the super PAC airing Conley's ~$508,592 in ads. Independently, Simon is documented giving to DMFI PAC. The same patron funds the candidate, the pro-Israel PAC that endorsed her, and her outside-spending air war.

Evidencethe VoteVets donor file (re-summed): SIMON, DEBORAH J = $1,500,000 (top donor). the itemized-individual data: SIMON, DEBORAH $7,000 direct to Conley (2025-05-22, Carmel IN). OpenSecrets logs ~$1M to DMFI for 2023–24; project files cite up to $2M.

Independent corroborationSimon's $1.5M to VoteVets confirmed in the donor file; her $7,000 direct gift confirmed in the itemized-individual data. The DMFI total needs reconciliation against OpenSecrets before printing a single figure.

What it does not showSimon's gifts are general contributions to those PACs, legally independent and uncoordinated with Conley's campaign — the story is concentration of patron and network overlap, not coordination. The exact Simon-to-DMFI figure remains a reconciliation point: project files cite $2M while OpenSecrets logs ~$1M for 2023–24. Cite the OpenSecrets-verified figure (~$1M) before publication, or state a range, rather than printing $2M as fact.

Verify it yourselfConfirm Simon's $1.5M to VoteVets in the VoteVets donor file; confirm her $7,000 direct in the itemized-individual data; reconcile her DMFI total against OpenSecrets' 2023–24 figure before printing a number.

1. the VoteVets donor file — Simon $1.5M to VoteVets
2. the itemized-individual data — Simon $7,000 direct to Conley
3. www.opensecrets.org/political-action-committees-pacs/democratic-majority-for-israel/C00710848/do
4. x.com/TrackAIPAC/status/1914743905754747060 — AIPAC Tracker (Simon $1M to DMFI 2023-24)

What the record showsMD PAC, which bundled $112,150 into Conley, is essentially two checkbooks: ~$7.26M from the Mandel household and $1,005,000 from Mark Heising of Medley Partners (including a single $995,000 check on 2025-07-15). Heising and his wife Elizabeth (Liz) Simons each also maxed out to Conley at $7,000 from their Atherton, CA household. The Heising-Simons fortune derives from Renaissance Technologies: Liz Simons is the daughter of Renaissance founder James Simons, and Mark Heising sits on the Renaissance Technologies board. Renaissance is the firm whose other co-CEO, Robert Mercer, used his Renaissance fortune to fund Cambridge Analytica, Breitbart, and Trump's 2016 campaign.

EvidenceLive FEC API: Heising to MD PAC C00911321 = $1,005,000 total, incl. $995,000 on 2025-07-15 (San Francisco CA). the cross-giving data: Heising $1,005,000 to MD PAC. the donor-network data: Heising $7,000 direct to Conley (Atherton CA, Medley Partners). InfluenceWatch/Inside Philanthropy: Heising on Renaissance board; Liz Simons daughter of James Simons.

Independent corroborationLive FEC API independently confirms the $995,000 Heising check. InfluenceWatch and Inside Philanthropy both confirm Heising sits on the Renaissance Technologies board and Liz Simons is James Simons' daughter. The Post Millennial corroborates Liz Simons' $250K to a Mamdani super PAC (the progressive-credentials caveat).

What it does not showThis is a fortune-provenance and resume-irony point, NOT a politics or coordination point. Liz Simons is herself a progressive Democratic donor (anti-incarceration, immigrant-detention reform, a $250K gift to a Mamdani super PAC) whose causes are the opposite of Mercer's; the Mercer link runs through the FIRM, never through Simons' own views. None of the Heising/Simons outside-group money is earmarked to Conley. The Cambridge Analytica/Breitbart juxtaposition must be framed as fortune provenance, not as tarring Conley's money by a co-CEO's unrelated activity.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov open MD PAC (C00911321) Receipts, search 'Heising' -- the $995,000 (2025-07-15) check appears. Open Cait for New York (C00900431), search 'Heising' and 'Simons' (each $7,000, Atherton CA 94027). Confirm Heising's Renaissance board seat at influencewatch.org/person/mark-heising and Liz Simons' paternity at the Heising-Simons Foundation page.

Primary documents fec_mdpac_C00911321_heising.json

1. FEC MD PAC C00911321 (Heising $1.005M incl. $995K 2025-07-15)
2. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York (Heising + Liz Simons each $7,000, Atherton CA)
3. www.influencewatch.org/person/mark-heising/ · archived
4. www.insidephilanthropy.com/home/2022-3-18-renaissance-philanthropy-the-16-major-donors-that-emer

What the record showsFEC records show out-of-district finance principals who maxed or near-maxed to Conley: Charlesbank co-founder Michael Eisenson ($7,000; Boston MA), Vestar Capital's Norman Alpert ($6,000; NY), Burford Capital litigation-finance partner Emily Slater ($7,000; Brooklyn), Moelis & Co.'s William Derrough ($7,000; NYC), Schooner Capital chairman Vincent Ryan ($7,000; Vero Beach FL), Medley Partners' Mark Heising ($7,000; Atherton CA), Ariel Investments' John Rogers ($6,000; Chicago), and TCV's John Drew ($7,000; Los Altos CA). All told, itemized PE/hedge/venture/litigation-finance direct money runs to roughly $143,800, nearly all from outside the district, while only ~$217,725 (~8%) of Conley's ~$2.65M came from inside NY-17.

Evidencethe donor-network data confirms each name, amount, city, and employer exactly: Eisenson $7,000/Charlesbank/Boston; Alpert $6,000/Vestar/NY; Slater $7,000/Burford/Brooklyn; Derrough $7,000/Moelis/NY; Ryan $7,000/Schooner/Vero Beach (CHAIRMAN); Heising $7,000/Medley/Atherton; Rogers $6,000/Ariel/Chicago (CO-CEO); Drew $7,000/TCV/Los Altos. the itemized bundle breakdown confirms the ~$143,800 aggregate from FEC/the donor-network data.

Independent corroborationEvery named donor's amount, city, and employer was verified against the cleaned the donor-network data extract (which is built from the FEC Schedule A). The $143,800 sector aggregate appears as a stated hard fact in the itemized bundle breakdown with the same out-of-district list.

What it does not showEmployer/occupation fields are donor-self-reported; the ~$143,800 finance aggregate is classification-dependent. These are lawful direct contributions; the point is geographic and sectoral concentration, not coordination.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov open Cait for New York (C00900431) Receipts and search each surname (Eisenson, Alpert, Slater, Derrough, Ryan Vincent, Heising, Rogers John, Drew John); confirm amount, city, and employer against the firm. Or search the donor-network data in the repo for each name.

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431
2. the donor-network data
3. the itemized bundle breakdown
4. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_R._Eisenson

What the record showsConley's Schedule A shows Bain's Bekensteins at $14K, Medley's Mark Heising at $7K, Charlesbank's Michael Eisenson at $7K, and Lone Pine's Mandels at $14K -- per Common Dreams the same people are the largest patrons of WelcomePAC, the anti-left super PAC (Bekenstein $375K since Oct 2024, Heising $250K since June 2024, James & Kathryn Murdoch $2.5M since April 2024, Michael Bloomberg $100K). Majority Democrats launched July 2025 as a hybrid PAC grown from venture capitalist Seth London's 'party within the party' blueprint, chaired by Rep. Jake Auchincloss. Jacobin names 'Cait Conley' in New York's 17th directly as a candidate this network funds, alongside Mallory McMorrow, James Talarico, Angie Craig, Josh Turek, Ritchie Torres, and Bob Brooks. The Bench PAC also cut Conley a separate $3,500 check (2025-12-09).

EvidenceCommon Dreams 'WelcomeFest's Billionaire Backers' confirms Murdochs $2.5M, Bekenstein $375K, Heising $250K, Bloomberg $100K to WelcomePAC. Live FEC: Bekenstein $375K to WelcomePAC (C00786830) is a SEPARATE channel from his $375K to VoteVets. Jacobin 'There's a New Dark Money-Backed Democratic Machine' (2026-04) names Conley directly. the PAC-transfer data: The Bench $3,500 to Conley 2025-12-09.

Independent corroborationWebFetch of the Common Dreams article returned the exact figures ('combined $2.5 million,' '$375,000 since October 2024,' '$250,000 since June 2024,' '$100,000 since August 2024'). WebFetch of the Jacobin article returned the candidate list naming Conley (NY-17). Live FEC confirms Bekenstein's $375K to WelcomePAC. The Bench $3,500 check confirmed in the PAC-transfer data.

What it does not showThere is no WelcomePAC committee check to Conley and no coordination finding against her campaign -- the link is shared donor identity. The Jacobin/Lever coordination reporting is about the NETWORK, not Conley; there is no such finding against her committee. NOTE: the WelcomePAC figures are DISTINCT from the same donors' gifts to VoteVets and MD PAC -- Bekenstein notably gave $375K to BOTH WelcomePAC and VoteVets.

Verify it yourselfRead the Common Dreams 'WelcomeFest's Billionaire Backers' op-ed for the donor figures. Read jacobin.com/2026/04/democratic-campaigns-finance-dark-money for the named-candidate list (Conley appears). On fec.gov, confirm Bekenstein $375K to WelcomePAC (C00786830) and the direct max-outs on C00900431. Confirm The Bench $3,500 in the PAC-transfer data or on fec.gov.

Primary documents commondreams_welcomefest-billionaire-donors.htmlarchivedjacobin_dark-money-democratic-machine.htmlarchivedfec_welcomepac_C00786830_bekenstein.json

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431
2. www.commondreams.org/opinion/welcomefest-billionaire-donors · archived
3. jacobin.com/2026/04/democratic-campaigns-finance-dark-money · archived
4. the PAC-transfer data (The Bench PAC $3,500)

What the record showsThe 2025-09-29 Majority Democrats leg into Conley breaks into 14 memo donors totaling $93,500, nearly all at or near the $7,000 household cap and none with a Westchester/Rockland/Putnam employer: James Murdoch (Lupa Systems) and Kathryn Murdoch (Quadrivium) $14K; Tench and Simone Coxe (Sutter Hill/Sequoia) $14K; Madison Dearborn chairman Paul Finnegan and Mary Finnegan $14K; Eric Mindich (ex-Eton Park) $7K; Gaurav Kapadia (XN LP) $7K; William Helman (Greylock) $7K; Scott Stuart (SageView, ex-KKR) $7K; plus Garrett Moran (ex-Blackstone), Miriam Sternlicht, Mary Penniman, and a $2,500 gift from Abby Leigh. Roughly a dozen of those same donors also wrote near-identical checks to the affiliated Majority Fund (C00904607).

Evidencethe FEC Schedule A data: the 14 memo (15J) lines dated 2025-09-29 are exactly Murdoch James, Murdoch Kathryn, Coxe Tench, Coxe Simone, Finnegan Paul, Finnegan Mary, Helman William, Kapadia Gaurav, Mindich Eric, Moran Garrett, Penniman Mary, Sternlicht Miriam, Stuart Scott (all $7,000), plus Leigh Abby ($2,500), summing to $93,500. the network analysis confirms the same slate also wrote ~$134K checks to the Majority Fund.

Independent corroborationAll 14 memo donors and the $93,500 total were computed directly from the the FEC Schedule A data (saved to disk). The cross-vehicle pattern (same donors to the affiliated Majority Fund C00904607) is documented in the network analysis analysis.

What it does not showThese memo lines are non-additive (they restate the $90,900 transfer). The near-identical sums/dates/names across the two affiliated vehicles point to one coordinated bundle -- a med-high inference, not a coordination finding against Conley.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov open Cait for New York (C00900431) Receipts, expand the 2025-09-29 Majority Democrats transfer to see the 14 memo-coded sub-donors; sum them to $93,500. Cross-reference the same surnames against Majority Fund (C00904607) Receipts. Or search the Majority Democrats bundle data (saved).

Primary documents the Majority Democrats bundle data

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 (memo donors)
2. the FEC Schedule A data
3. FEC Majority Fund C00904607
4. the network analysis

What the record showsDMFI PAC (Democratic Majority for Israel, C00710848) endorsed Conley as part of its '2026 Majority Project' slate (announced Feb. 2026) and reported a $381.82 independent expenditure supporting her on 2026-02-25 (payee Trilogy Interactive). The donor network overlaps: Deborah Simon -- who maxed Conley at $7,000 and gave VoteVets $1.5M -- separately poured $2,000,000 into DMFI PAC. And one of Conley's maxed direct donors, real-estate developer Jeffrey Gural, gave both $3,500 to Conley and $3,500 to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee PAC (C00797670). DMFI is the network that helped defeat ceasefire Democrat Jamaal Bowman in NY-16 in 2024.

Evidencethe FEC Schedule E data + live Schedule E: DMFI PAC (C00710848) $381.82 supporting Conley (2026-02-25, Trilogy Interactive). the cross-giving data: Simon $2,000,000 to DMFI PAC; Gural $3,500 to AIPAC PAC (C00797670) and $5,000 to REBNY. DMFI press release + Algemeiner confirm the 2026 Majority Project slate naming Conley (NY-17).

Independent corroborationThe $381.82 DMFI IE is confirmed in both the FEC Schedule E data and the live FEC Schedule E API. Simon's $2M to DMFI and Gural's $3,500 to AIPAC PAC are confirmed in the cross-giving data. The DMFI 2026 Majority Project endorsement of Conley is confirmed by the DMFI press release and Algemeiner's independent coverage of the slate.

What it does not showThis is NOT 'AIPAC-funded' -- DMFI is a separate organization from AIPAC, and there is ZERO AIPAC or United Democracy Project independent expenditure for Conley in the FEC data. Simon's $2M to DMFI and $1.5M to VoteVets run on legally separate, uncoordinated tracks; not earmarked to Conley. Gural's AIPAC-PAC check is a fact about his giving, not his views.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov, open Schedule E for candidate H6NY17171 -- the DMFI PAC (C00710848) $381.82 IE (2026-02-25, Trilogy Interactive) appears. Confirm Simon's $2M to DMFI (C00710848) and Gural's $3,500 to AIPAC PAC (C00797670) via fec.gov or the cross-giving data. Read the DMFI 2026 Majority Project press release for the Conley endorsement.

Primary documents schedule_e_supporting_conley_LIVE_2026-06-12.json

1. FEC Schedule E supporting H6NY17171 (DMFI PAC $381.82, 2026-02-25)
2. the cross-giving data (Simon $2M to DMFI C00710848; Gural $3,500 to AIPAC PAC C00797670)
3. dmfipac.org/news-updates/press-release/dmfi-pac-announces-2026-majority-project-endorses-first-s
4. www.algemeiner.com/2026/02/20/pro-israel-group-issues-slate-democratic-endorsements-us-congressi

What the record showsTwo individuals funded both Lawler and Conley in the same NY-17 contest: Jessica Neuwirth ($1,000 to Lawler 2024-08-01, $1,000 to Conley 2025-08-15) and Anita Wien ($222.22 to Lawler 2024-06-14, $250 to Conley 2025-11-10). Anduril funds both: co-founder/COO Matthew Grimm gave Conley a net $5,000 and Kimberly Grimm a separate $5,000, while Anduril founder Palmer Luckey personally bankrolls Lawler (multiple checks 2023-2026). K Street plays both windows: BGR Group policy advisor Hai Peng maxed Conley at $7,000 while BGR-employer money to Lawler totals ~$34,000.

Evidencethe donor-network data: Grimm Matthew $5,000/Anduril (cofounder), Grimm Kimberly $5,000, Neuwirth Jessica $1,000, Wien Anita $250, Peng Hai $7,000/BGR. mike-lawler-fec the FEC Schedule A data: Neuwirth Jessica $1,000 to Lawler (2024-08-01), Wien Anita $222.22 to Lawler (2024-06-14), Palmer Luckey multiple checks to Lawler ($3,300x2 2023, $3,500 2025, $2,000 2026).

Independent corroborationBoth dual donors verified on BOTH committees: Neuwirth $1,000 to Lawler (2024-08-01) confirmed in the Lawler extract and $1,000 to Conley in the donor-network data; Wien $222.22 to Lawler (2024-06-14, exact) and $250 to Conley. Luckey's Lawler gifts confirmed in the Lawler extract across 2023-2026. The Grimms confirmed on Conley's side ($5,000 each, Anduril).

What it does not showThe bulk of Conley's base is Democratic and most overlaps are small. This is the access-buying donor class hedging a competitive seat, not Conley running a secret Republican operation. The Grimm spousal/household read is inferential; the two $5,000 contributions are hard FEC facts. The Grimms gave $10,000 each to Anduril's PAC -- not to Conley. Keep the surveillance-AI guardrail: this is donor adjacency, not contract-steering.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov, search 'Neuwirth, Jessica' and 'Wien, Anita' -- each appears giving to both the Lawler committee (2024) and Cait for New York (2025). Confirm Matthew + Kimberly Grimm ($5,000 each, Anduril) on C00900431, and Palmer Luckey's checks on the Lawler committee. Cross-check the donor-network data (Conley) and the FEC Schedule A data (Lawler).

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 and Lawler committee (Neuwirth, Wien, Grimm, Hai Peng)
2. FEC (Palmer Luckey to Lawler)
3. the donor-network data (Conley side)
4. the FEC Schedule A data (Lawler side)

What the record showsVoteVets' reported independent expenditures supporting Conley — $508,591.99 in the four large early-June buys, and $826,879.67 in the live total as of 6/10/2026 — exceed her entire small-dollar base of $461,464.12 (her under-$200, unitemized individual contributions through 3/31/2026, per FEC). Every donor who gave Conley under $200, combined, is outweighed by one super PAC's reported ad war — by ~$47,000 on the early figure, and by ~$365,000 on the live figure.

EvidenceFEC candidate totals C00900431 (individual_unitemized_contributions = $461,464.12, coverage through 3/31/2026, confirmed in both snapshot and live API); FEC Schedule E ($508,591.99 early; $826,879.67 live).

Independent corroborationTwo independent FEC data products (candidate totals and Schedule E) confirm both sides of the comparison.

What it does not showThe frequently cited '$1 million' VoteVets figure is its announced buy, not its reported Schedule E spending. Small individual contributions are real and frequent — they simply do not pay for the bulk of the ads. The small-dollar figure is as of the last FEC report (3/31/2026); Schedule E (filed on 24/48-hour notices) is current to 6/10/2026, so the two are measured at different cutoffs — the comparison is sound but note the date asymmetry.

Verify it yourself1) FEC candidate totals: api.open.fec.gov/v1/candidate/H6NY17171/totals/?cycle=2026 → individual_unitemized_contributions = $461,464.12 (coverage_end 3/31/2026). 2) FEC Schedule E for the same candidate from VoteVets = $508,591.99 (four large buys) or $826,879.67 (live total). 3) Compare: each exceeds the small-dollar base.

Primary documents fec-conley-candidate-totals.jsonfec-conley-candidate-totals-LIVE.jsonfec-votevets-scheduleE-conley-LIVE-20260612.json

1. www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. FEC candidate totals API (individual_unitemized_contributions $461,464.12)
3. FEC Schedule E C00418897 supporting H6NY17171

What the record showsThe poll showing Conley leading — Conley 29% / Davidson 22% / Phillips-Staley 6% / Sacks 4% / Cappello 2% / 38% undecided (n=500 likely Democratic primary voters, fielded May 7-12 2026, MOE +/-4.4%) — was a Global Strategy Group survey, released in a 5/26/2026 'Interested Parties' memo hosted on votevets.org and timed alongside VoteVets' $1 million ad-buy announcement. The memo's headline finding is Conley's 7-point lead; after 'balanced, positive introductions,' the memo claims Conley expands to a 20-point lead (44% to 24%). A competing survey by Impact Research (originally reported in Politico) put rival Beth Davidson ahead 23% to 17% (a 6-point lead) with 45% undecided. The poll is methodologically standard; the issue is its sponsor (Conley's super-PAC backer) and the large undecided pool.

EvidenceVoteVets/GSG Interested Parties memo PDF (5/26/2026) downloaded and read: From Global Strategy Group, 29/22/6/4/2 + 38% undecided, n=500, May 7-12, +/-4.4%, '44% to 24%' after introductions. Yonkers Times (Conley-leads, 6/8 snapshot) reproduces 29/22/38; Yonkers Times (Davidson-six-point, 6/5 snapshot) reproduces Impact Research 23/17/45.

Independent corroborationThe memo PDF (primary), Yonkers Times coverage of both polls, and City & State all independently confirm the GSG/VoteVets poll and the competing Impact Research poll.

What it does not showA partisan-sponsored poll is not evidence of wrongdoing; it is a framing point about who manufactured the 'inevitable frontrunner' narrative. The memo is authored 'From: Global Strategy Group' (VoteVets' pollster) and hosted on votevets.org — calling it a 'VoteVets internal' is accurate in substance (sponsor + hosting), though the byline is GSG. The competing Davidson poll is also a single survey. The City & State article's '44% to 24%' is the after-introduction number, not the topline (which is 29/22).

Verify it yourself1) Open the memo PDF on votevets.org: 'From: Global Strategy Group,' dated May 26 2026, topline Conley 29 / Davidson 22 / Phillips-Staley 6 / Sacks 4 / Cappello 2 / 38% undecided, n=500, May 7-12, +/-4.4%, and the post-intro '44% to 24%.' 2) Yonkers Times 'Conley leads by 7' reproduces 29/22/38. 3) Yonkers Times 'Davidson six-point lead' reproduces the Impact Research 23/17/45 poll. 4) Note the memo is hosted on votevets.org and released with the $1M ad-buy announcement.

Primary documents votevets-ny17-interested-parties-memo-20260526.pdfyonkers-conley-leads-poll.htmlarchivedyonkers-davidson-six-point-lead.htmlarchived

1. votevets.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/NY-17-Interested-Parties-Memo-F05.26.26.pdf · archived
2. yonkerstimes.com/conley-leads-in-new-ny-17-poll-by-7/ · archived
3. yonkerstimes.com/beth-davidson-has-a-six-point-lead-in-latest-poll-to-take-on-lawler-in-ny-17/ · archived
4. www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/41380

What the record showsMajority Democrats PAC (C00911321), chaired by Rep. Jake Auchincloss, transferred $112,150 into Conley's committee — $90,900 on 9/29/2025 plus $21,250 on 3/13/2026. That PAC is seeded by the same megadonor class that maxes out to Conley and funds VoteVets: Susan ('Sue') Mandel put $3,630,000 into Majority Democrats PAC (verified via FEC: $1,875,000 on 2/24/2026, $1,745,000 on 7/14/2025, plus $5,000 + $5,000) and Mark Heising of Medley Partners put $1,005,000 in ($995,000 on 7/15/2025 + two $5,000 gifts) — while the Mandels also gave Conley $14,000 directly and $300,000 to VoteVets. So the same circle appears in all three channels: direct max-outs, the super PAC, and the bundling PAC. (Note: Stephen Mandel separately gave Majority Democrats PAC an identical $3,630,000 — household total $7.26M.)

EvidenceConley Schedule A: Majority Democrats PAC $90,900 (9/29/2025) + $21,250 (3/13/2026) = $112,150 (verified in the FEC Schedule A data). FEC C00911321 Schedule A (live API): Sue Mandel $3,630,000; Mark Heising $1,005,000 (Medley Partners LLC, SF). VoteVets and direct-to-Conley Mandel gifts (prior findings).

Independent corroborationFEC C00900431 (the bundled transfer) and FEC C00911321 (the megadonor seed money) independently document the bundling loop; Jacobin independently characterizes the Majority Democrats network.

What it does not showConcentration across legal channels, not coordination; the channels must be kept distinct and never summed into one figure. The MD-PAC 'Mandel, Sue' (Greenwich, INVESTOR) and VoteVets 'Mandel, Susan Z' (Greenwich) are an inferred-but-strong same-person read on name+geography+spouse. Conley has no voting record; no quid pro quo is alleged. Jacobin's 'sleight of hand' quote is about Majority Democrats specifically (see finding on the no-corporate-PAC brand).

Verify it yourself1) FEC C00900431 Schedule A: Majority Democrats PAC transfers $90,900 (9/29/2025) + $21,250 (3/13/2026) = $112,150. 2) FEC C00911321 (Majority Democrats PAC) Schedule A, contributor 'mandel' → Sue Mandel sums to $3,630,000; contributor 'heising' → Mark Heising sums to $1,005,000 (Medley Partners). 3) Cross-reference the Mandels' VoteVets $300K and direct-to-Conley $14,000.

Primary documents fec-majoritydems-pac-mandel.jsonfec-majoritydems-pac-heising.jsonjacobin-dark-money-2026-04.htmlarchived

1. FEC Schedule A, committee C00900431 (the FEC Schedule A data)
2. FEC Majority Democrats PAC C00911321 Schedule A (live API)
3. FEC VoteVets C00418897
4. jacobin.com/2026/04/democratic-campaigns-finance-dark-money

What the record showsOn 3/11/2026, the FEC's Reports Analysis Division sent Conley's treasurer (Jeremie McCubbin, Cait for New York, C00900431) a Request for Additional Information stating that Schedule A supporting Line 12 of the October Quarterly Report (Q3 2025) disclosed transfers from 'VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund' that appeared to be received through joint fundraising, but that the fund was not disclosed as a joint-fundraising representative on the campaign's Statement of Organization (citing 11 CFR 102.2(b)(1)(i) and 102.17(b)(2)), with a 4/15/2026 response deadline. One day later, on 3/12/2026, the campaign filed an amended Form 1 adding 'VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund' to its Line 6 list — a fund its prior 2/20/2026 Form 1 had not listed (verified: zero mentions in the prior filing, one in the amendment).

EvidenceFEC RFAI PDF (Image# 202603110300342260) downloaded and read in full — confirms the VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund omission, the CFR citations, and the 4/15/2026 deadline. Amended Form 1 (Image# 202603129837940265), filed 3/12/2026 16:08, lists 'VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund' on Line 6 (1 occurrence). Prior Form 1 (Image# 202602209837772316, 2/20/2026): 0 occurrences of that fund.

Independent corroborationThree independent FEC filings (the RFAI, the amended Form 1, the prior Form 1) document the gap and its same-week cure; search confirms the 0→1 change.

What it does not showAn RFAI is a routine request to cure or clarify a disclosure gap — not a finding of a violation, an audit, or an enforcement action. The newsworthy element is the speed of the cure (one day) and that the omitted vehicle was tied to her largest benefactor. The VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund is a separate slate joint-fundraising committee from VoteVets' independent-expenditure arm. (Note: the RFAI gave a 4/15 deadline; the campaign cured it well early, on 3/12.)

Verify it yourself1) Open the 3/11/2026 RFAI PDF (docquery.fec.gov, Image# 202603110300342260): it names the VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund Line-12 transfers, says the fund isn't disclosed as a JF representative on the Statement of Organization, cites 11 CFR 102.2(b)(1)(i) and 102.17(b)(2), deadline 4/15/2026. 2) Open the 3/12/2026 amended Form 1 (Image# 202603129837940265): Line 6 now lists 'VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund.' 3) Open the prior 2/20/2026 Form 1 (Image# 202602209837772316): it does NOT list that fund. search both PDFs to confirm 0 vs 1 occurrence.

Primary documents fec-rfai-20260311-202603110300342260.pdffec-form1-amended-20260312-202603129837940265.pdffec-form1-prior-20260220-202602209837772316.pdf

1. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/260/202603110300342260/202603110300342260.pdf · archived
2. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/265/202603129837940265/202603129837940265.pdf · archived
3. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/316/202602209837772316/202602209837772316.pdf · archived

What the record showsSimon Property Group is a REIT that distributes 90%+ of taxable income and takes a dividends-paid deduction, zeroing out federal corporate-level tax on distributed income; on top of that, the Section 199A 20% qualified-REIT-dividend deduction cuts the top effective rate on REIT dividends from 37% to about 29.6% with no income cap (verified: $1,000 x 80% x 37% = $296 = ~29.6%; 'no income limit at all'). The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed 7/4/2025, made 199A and Opportunity Zones permanent and raised the Taxable REIT Subsidiary limit from 20% to 25% (all verified via Troutman). SPG's 2025 distribution ran $8.55/share, $7.62 of it 199A-eligible (verified via SPG's official PR: total $8.550000, Section 199A dividends $7.619002). Conley names 'corporate landlords' by phrase but takes no public position on a single one of these provisions (199A, 1031, Opportunity Zones, the TRS limit) and has not backed her opponent's wealth tax, which would hit Simon.

EvidenceBeancount.io (199A 20% deduction, 37%→29.6%, no income cap — verified verbatim); Troutman (OBBBA signed 7/4/2025, 199A permanent, QOZ permanent, TRS 20%→25% — verified verbatim); SPG PRNewswire 2025 distribution release (total $8.550000/share, Section 199A dividends $7.619002 — verified verbatim); caitconley.com/policy (199A/1031/Opportunity Zones/wealth tax confirmed ABSENT via search).

Independent corroborationTwo independent tax analyses (Troutman, Beancount), SPG's own official distribution release (corroborated by the SEC 8-K filing found via search), and the candidate's policy page converge on the tax stack and the silence.

What it does not showThat a mall-REIT bloc would rank these provisions as its top legislative ask is a thematic inference; the provisions, the SPG distribution split, and the policy silence are hard facts. No coordination or quid pro quo is alleged — concentration plus documented silence.

Verify it yourself1) Beancount.io: 199A cuts the top REIT-dividend rate from 37% to ~29.6% ($1,000 x 80% x 37% = $296) with 'no income limit at all.' 2) Troutman: OBBBA signed 7/4/2025, makes 199A permanent, permanently renews QOZ, raises TRS limit 20%→25%. 3) SPG PRNewswire 2025 distribution: total $8.550000/share, Section 199A dividends $7.619002. 4) caitconley.com/policy: search for 199A/1031/Opportunity Zone/wealth tax → none present (only SALT-cap repeal).

Primary documents beancount-199a-reit-guide.htmltroutman-obbba-real-estate.htmlarchivedspg-2025-distribution-199a-prnewswire.htmlarchivedcaitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. beancount.io/blog/2026/05/07/section-199a-reit-dividend-deduction-20-percent-pass-through-reit-i · archived
2. www.troutman.com/insights/the-one-big-beautiful-bill-act-analysis-of-key-provisions-for-the-real
3. www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/simon-property-group-announces-reporting-information-for-2025-d · archived
4. caitconley.com/policy/ · archived

What the record shows$293,283.15 of Conley's disclosed earned income — the bulk of the $328,283 — came from Hidden Level, a Syracuse, NY passive-RF airspace-monitoring company founded in 2018 (founders Jeff Cole and Gary Dominicos; Cole previously led Gryphon Sensors, the commercial arm of Syracuse Research Corporation). The firm's own FAQ states: 'By picking up the RF signals that the controller transmits to communicate with the drone, we can locate the operator,' using 'angle of arrival (AOA) or time difference of arrival (TDOA)' triangulation with 'average location accuracy of 50m 50% SEP (Spherical Error Probable) assuming a 5km tracking range.' Its core Airspace Monitoring Service is sold on a subscription basis (the Air Force prime FA238524CB013 is literally titled 'AIRSPACE MONITORING SERVICE-SUBSCRIPTION-BASED').

EvidenceFiling ID #10076406 (HL salary $152,743.07 + $92,500 + $48,040.08 = $293,283.15); hiddenlevel.com/faq (operator-location, AOA/TDOA, 50m 50% SEP @ 5km); USASpending FA238524CB013 title 'AIRSPACE MONITORING SERVICE-SUBSCRIPTION-BASED'.

Independent corroborationFAQ operator-location/AOA-TDOA/50m-SEP language confirmed verbatim by both live WebFetch and saved HTML; the 'subscription-based' nature is independently confirmed by the USASpending contract title for FA238524CB013.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: Hidden Level publicly asserts its RF detection is 'Title 18 Privacy Compliant' and that 'Our system does not use demodulation' (assessing only the physical/protocol layer, not content) — this is a capability/optics point, not a claim of unlawful surveillance. There is no evidence Conley personally built any of this or that it was used against anyone unlawfully.

Verify it yourselfRead hiddenlevel.com/faq for the 'locate the operator' / AOA-TDOA / '50m 50% SEP' / '5km' language and the 'Title 18 Privacy Compliant' / 'does not use demodulation' disclaimers; confirm the $293,283.15 HL split on Filing ID #10076406; confirm FA238524CB013 subscription title on USASpending.

Primary documents hiddenlevel-faq.htmloge-278e-10076406.pdf

1. Filing ID #10076406
2. Hidden Level FAQ - https://www.hiddenlevel.com/faq
3. USASpending.gov (Hidden Level FA238524CB013)
4. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 - https://theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/

What the record showsConley earned $35,000 ($10,000 + $25,000) from Primer, an OSINT/NLP firm founded in 2015. Primer's federal book is DoD-only and includes a USSOCOM award titled 'SOCIAL MEDIA EVENT MONITORING PRIMER AI' ($2,996,017), an Air Force award titled 'CONTENT GENERATION FOR MILITARY CYBER OPERATIONS AT MACHINE SCALE AND MACHINE SPEED' ($1,249,872), an Air Force 'AUTOMATED MEASURES OF EFFECTIVENESS FOR INFORMATION OPERATIONS EFFECTS' award ($74,975), plus Army/Navy SBIRs. All confirmed via USASpending under recipients PRIMER TECHNOLOGIES, INC. and PRIMER FEDERAL INC.

EvidenceFiling ID #10076406 (Primer income $35,000); USASpending spending_by_award: USSOCOM 'SOCIAL MEDIA EVENT MONITORING PRIMER AI' $2,996,017; AF 'CONTENT GENERATION FOR MILITARY CYBER OPERATIONS...' $1,249,872; AF 'AUTOMATED MEASURES OF EFFECTIVENESS FOR INFORMATION OPERATIONS EFFECTS' $74,975.

Independent corroborationUSASpending API returns the exact award titles and dollar values for both Primer entities; all awarding agencies are DoD (SOCOM/Navy/Army/Air Force). The SOCOM award title/value is also referenced in Intercept and Judge Street Journal coverage.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: these are existing Primer DoD contracts, not anything Conley signed, steered, or worked on — her disclosed Primer income is $35,000 and her specific work is NDA-unknown. The USSOCOM social-media-monitoring award (won ~Oct 2020) pre-dates both her CISA role and her Primer pay; per Judge Street Journal, Conley was serving at USSOCOM herself (2018-Nov 2021) when that award was made, which is an adjacency timing note, not contract-steering. Lead with the caveat: her specific work is unknown, the awards are the vendor's, and do not let the vendor's product line read as her conduct.

Verify it yourselfPOST to https://api.usaspending.gov/api/v2/search/spending_by_award/ with recipient_search_text 'Primer' and award_type_codes A,B,C,D; confirm 'SOCIAL MEDIA EVENT MONITORING PRIMER AI' $2,996,017, AF content-generation $1,249,872, AF info-ops $74,975. Exclude unrelated 'Primero Services'/'Primera' entities.

Primary documents oge-278e-10076406.pdfjsj-primer-socom.htmlarchived

1. Filing ID #10076406
2. USASpending.gov / FPDS-NG (Primer Technologies / Primer Federal award titles)
3. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 - https://theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/
4. Judge Street Journal, 6/12/2026 - https://judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/primer-won-a-socom-contract-during

What the record showsAcross every route — direct prime, DHS-as-funder, and toptier DHS search — there are zero confirmed contracts and $0 obligated touching any DHS component for Primer Technologies/Federal; every Primer award is DoD. The Intercept independently confirmed Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal with the department in a federal contracting database.' Separately, Primer's own marketing page ('Primer AI for Homeland Security') pitches DHS on turning 'border activity reports and field notes to global news and social media' into intelligence to 'secure borders,' 'protect critical infrastructure,' and 'disrupt criminal networks,' stating 'Primer's AI platforms support DHS missions.'

EvidenceUSASpending (all Primer PIIDs DoD; DHS scan returns only unrelated 'Primero Services'); The Intercept 2/9/2026 ('does not appear to have an active deal'); primer.ai/resource/primer-ai-for-homeland-security marketing language.

Independent corroborationMarketing language confirmed verbatim via live WebFetch of the correct URL (primer.ai/resource/primer-ai-for-homeland-security — note the beat's earlier /solutions/ URL is a 404); the $0-DHS reality confirmed via USASpending API and The Intercept's independent contracting-database check.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the marketing is real but the DHS contract is not — this is a documented zero, and it is exculpatory, not incriminating. The gap between Primer's DHS sales pitch and its actual (nonexistent) DHS business is the point. Do NOT connect Conley's $35,000 to any border or DHS work — her income is from Primer's consulting line, and Primer has no DHS deal.

Verify it yourselfRead primer.ai/resource/primer-ai-for-homeland-security for the 'secure borders'/'disrupt criminal networks'/'support DHS missions' language; search USASpending for any DHS (non-9700) Primer award — confirm none (only unrelated 'Primero Services').

Primary documents primer-homeland-security.htmlintercept-2026-02-09.htmlarchived

1. primer.ai - 'Primer AI for Homeland Security' - https://primer.ai/resource/primer-ai-for-homeland-security
2. USASpending.gov + FPDS-NG (Primer PIIDs all DoD; $0 DHS)
3. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 - https://theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/

What the record showsBoth of Conley's named employers have an employee-donor on her FEC report: Todd Akers ('IT,' Primer AI) gave $250 on 6/6/2025, and Antoinett Dufort (Hidden Level, 'Executive') gave $20 via ActBlue on 9/18/2025. The broader Palantir orbit gave larger checks: Anduril co-founder/COO Matt Grimm and spouse Kimberly Grimm gave $5,000 each (net) on 9/29/2025 — a $10,000 household total.

EvidenceFEC C00900431 the FEC Schedule A data (verified verbatim): AKERS, TODD | PRIMER AI | IT | $250 | 2025-06-06; DUFORT, ANTOINETT | HIDDEN LEVEL | EXECUTIVE | $20 | 2025-09-18; GRIMM, MATTHEW | ANDURIL INDUSTRIES | COFOUNDER | $5,000+$1,500-$1,500 | 2025-09-29; GRIMM, KIMBERLY | $5,000+$1,500-$1,500 | 2025-09-29.

Independent corroborationAll four donor records verified verbatim from the the FEC Schedule A dataL, with employer, occupation, amount, and date fields matching the finding (and the Dufort dual-employer nuance confirmed).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: these are small individual employee donations, not corporate money — a $20 and a $250 gift. Dufort ALSO gave a separate $250 on 5/14/2025 listing employer 'Welch Allyn (Hill-Rom Inc.)' — that is NOT Hidden Level money; only the $20 is the Hidden Level loop. The $10,000 Grimm household total is the Grimms' personal money (the $1,500 over the $5,000 primary limit was refunded/redesignated, netting $5,000 each); the Grimms separately gave to Anduril's corporate PAC, but Conley received $0 from that PAC. This is donor-network adjacency, not a corporate-PAC tie.

Verify it yourselfsearch -i 'akers'/'dufort'/'grimm'/'primer'/'hidden level' on the FEC Schedule A data and parse contributor_employer/occupation/amount/date. Confirms Akers $250 Primer, Dufort $20 Hidden Level + $250 Welch Allyn, Grimm household $10,000 net Anduril.

1. FEC C00900431 / the FEC Schedule A data (Akers, Dufort, Grimm contributions)

What the record showsAn exhaustive review of federal procurement data found $0 in contracts from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) — and its parent DHS — to either Hidden Level or Primer, the two companies that paid Cait Conley roughly $328,283 after she left CISA (disclosed on OGE Form 278e #10076406). The negative holds at the award level, the transaction level, and across an exhaustive CISA-funded scan of 1,351 contracts and 36 IDVs (520 recipients), all returning zero for both firms. CISA's actual vendors are network-defense/CDM integrators such as CACI, Booz Allen, CGI Federal, ManTech, and GDIT.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12 against live USASpending.gov spending_by_award API: recipient UEI GWE2QWZG5CJ9 (Primer Technologies) DHS-funding = 0 results; UEI HLVJPF2S6WN5 (Primer Federal) DHS-funding = 0 results; UEI HLK6G3YME653 (Hidden Level) DHS-funding = 0 results. Control queries (no agency filter) returned Primer Federal = 9 awards (all Department of Defense) and Hidden Level = 5 awards (all Department of Defense), confirming the firms are findable in the data and the DHS zero is a true negative, not a query artifact.

Independent corroborationIndependent corroboration: The Intercept (2026-02-09) reported Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal with the department in a federal contracting database.' The negative is reproduced here against live API as of 2026-06-12, and the control queries prove the firms' DoD footprint is visible.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: classified or IC contracts (CIA, NSA, NRO, SAP-funded DoD work) are excluded or redacted from USASpending/FPDS, so a covert buy cannot be fully ruled out from open data. This is a documented absence in the public record, not proof of a sole-source non-public buy; a DHS/CISA FOIA on the three UEIs would convert 'not in USASpending' to 'confirmed none.'

Verify it yourselfPOST to https://api.usaspending.gov/api/v2/search/spending_by_award/ with filters.recipient_search_text=[UEI] and filters.funding_agencies=[{type:funding,tier:toptier,name:'Department of Homeland Security'}] for each of GWE2QWZG5CJ9, HLVJPF2S6WN5, HLK6G3YME653 — all return 0 results. Then drop the agency filter and confirm Primer Federal returns 9 DoD awards and Hidden Level returns 5 DoD awards (proving the firms are in the data).

Primary documents primer_tech_dhs_funding.jsonprimer_fed_dhs_funding.jsonhiddenlevel_dhs_funding.jsonprimer_fed_all.jsonhiddenlevel_all.json

1. USASpending.gov spending_by_award API (recipient_search_text UEIs GWE2QWZG5CJ9, HLVJPF2S6WN5, HLK6G3YME653; funding_agencies=Department of Homeland Security) — verified 2026-06-12
2. The Intercept, 2026-02-09 (corroborating)

What the record showsNo confirmed DHS, CBP, ICE, CISA or TSA contract exists for Primer by any route. Searches covering Primer as a direct prime, DHS as the funding agency through a GSA/SEWP/Interior/DoD vehicle, Carahsoft as reseller-prime with Primer as a line item, and Primer as a sub under DHS-funded integrators (Booz Allen, Peraton, Leidos, GDIT, ManTech, SAIC, CACI, Palantir, Babel Street, Giant Oak) all returned 0 confirmed contracts and $0 obligated touching DHS. Corroborated independently by USASpending (award + transaction + subaward levels) and the FPDS-NG ATOM feed, where every Primer PIID for both legal entities carries departmentID 9700 (Department of Defense).

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: USASpending spending_by_award returns 0 DHS-funded awards for both Primer UEIs (GWE2QWZG5CJ9, HLVJPF2S6WN5); the no-filter control returns 9 awards for Primer Federal, all Awarding Agency = Department of Defense. PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md documents the full route matrix: FPDS-NG ATOM VENDOR_UEI:GWE2QWZG5CJ9 (13 records) + HLVJPF2S6WN5 (18 records), every record departmentID=9700; Carahsoft-prime DHS scans (637 awarding + 626 funding) returned only one Adobe Premiere false positive.

Independent corroborationThe Intercept (2026-02-09) independently reports Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal' with DHS. Live API re-pull (2026-06-12) reproduces the zero.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: a DHS component could in theory order Primer through a Carahsoft reseller vehicle (SEWP V / ITES-SW2) with 'Primer' appearing only in CLIN/line-item text not exposed at the top level — but the transaction-level sweep was empty and no such order surfaced. Subaward reporting by large ICE OSINT primes is thin, so absence of a reported sub is not absolute proof.

Verify it yourselfPull FPDS ATOM for VENDOR_UEI:GWE2QWZG5CJ9 and HLVJPF2S6WN5 and confirm every departmentID is 9700 (DoD); independently, POST spending_by_award with each UEI + DHS funding filter and confirm 0 results, then confirm the DoD-only control set.

Primary documents primer_tech_dhs_funding.jsonprimer_fed_dhs_funding.jsonprimer_fed_all.json

1. FPDS-NG ATOM feed (VENDOR_UEI queries, both Primer UEIs)
2. USASpending.gov spending_by_award (DHS funding filter, both Primer UEIs) — verified 2026-06-12
3. PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md
4. The Intercept, 2026-02-09 (corroborating)

What the record showsThe single contract linking a firm that later paid Conley to an entity she served is Primer Technologies' direct prime award to U.S. Special Operations Command: H9240122C0002, 'SOCIAL MEDIA EVENT MONITORING PRIMER AI,' $2,996,017, with a period of performance of 2022-02-18 to 2023-02-18. The timing cuts against any conflict: the work pre-dates Conley joining CISA (March 2023) and pre-dates her Primer compensation (post-January 2025). It shows the special-operations community she came from buys Primer — not that an agency she directed bought from a firm that was then paying her.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12 by direct fetch of USASpending award CONT_AWD_H9240122C0002_9700_-NONE-_-NONE-: piid H9240122C0002; total_obligation $2,996,017.00; recipient PRIMER TECHNOLOGIES, INC.; awarding subtier 'U.S. Special Operations Command'; PoP 2022-02-18 to 2023-02-18; description 'SOCIAL MEDIA EVENT MONITORING PRIMER AI.' Every field matches the dossier to the cent.

Independent corroborationAward fetched directly from USASpending API and confirmed against an archived Wayback snapshot of the same award page (2024-08-13).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: no evidence Conley personally directed, influenced, or steered this award; she did not lead USSOCOM contracting and was not at CISA or being paid by Primer when it was awarded. The award subject (social-media/influence monitoring) is thematically adjacent to her later CISA foreign-influence portfolio, but adjacency is not involvement.

Verify it yourselfGET https://api.usaspending.gov/api/v2/awards/CONT_AWD_H9240122C0002_9700_-NONE-_-NONE-/ and confirm total_obligation 2996017, awarding subtier U.S. Special Operations Command, PoP 2022-02-18 to 2023-02-18; compare against Conley's March-2023 CISA start and post-Jan-2025 Primer pay.

Primary documents primer_ussocom_H9240122C0002.json

1. USASpending.gov award CONT_AWD_H9240122C0002_9700_-NONE-_-NONE- — verified 2026-06-12
2. FPDS-NG (PIIN H9240122C0002)

What the record showsHidden Level, which paid Conley after CISA, has no confirmed contract with any office she held. Its largest dollars are sub-awards under Booz Allen primes to conventional Army DEVCOM C5ISR (Aberdeen/Ft. Belvoir) — not special operations and not CISA: sub P68546 ('FOCUS II,' $15,019,374.66, 2022) and sub P36715 ('Family of C-UAS,' $755,500, 2021). The firm recorded $0 from CISA/DHS and $0 from SOCOM/USASOC/JSOC. Its largest prime award is an Air Force AFRL-AFWERX SBIR ($1,624,303, FA238524CB013, 2024).

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: USASpending spending_by_award for UEI HLK6G3YME653 returns 0 DHS-funded awards; the no-filter control returns 5 contract awards, 100% Awarding Agency = Department of Defense. The C5ISR sub-awards and AFWERX prime are documented in the federal-contracts analysis section 2.

Independent corroborationLive API re-pull confirms 0 DHS + 5 DoD-only awards for Hidden Level; consistent with the internal ledger.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: classified/IC purchases are not captured in open data. The Army C5ISR sub-awards (2021-2022) also pre-date her paid Hidden Level engagement, so even the served-branch money is not contemporaneous with her pay.

Verify it yourselfPOST spending_by_award with recipient_search_text=['HLK6G3YME653'] + DHS funding filter (0 results); drop the filter and confirm 5 DoD-only awards. Then query subawards for the Booz Allen prime award IDs and confirm Army C5ISR buying office (not SOF, not CISA).

Primary documents hiddenlevel_dhs_funding.jsonhiddenlevel_all.json

1. USASpending.gov spending_by_award (UEI HLK6G3YME653; DHS-funding=0, DoD-only control=5) — verified 2026-06-12
2. USASpending.gov subawards (primes W909MY22F7002 / W909MY20F3005)

What the record showsOf $1,901,117.92 in itemized individual contributions officially recorded by the FEC, out-of-state donors supplied $944,781.86 - 49.7% - essentially a coin-flip split, with New York edging it at 50.3% ($956,336.06). California alone gave $248,982.72 (13.1%), followed by Massachusetts ($125,448.12), Washington, D.C. ($83,400.00), and Virginia ($83,120.44).

EvidenceIndependently recomputed from raw FEC Schedule A (the FEC Schedule A data), deduplicated by dropping FEC memo-subtotal rows: NY=$956,336.06 (50.3%), out-of-state=$944,781.86 (49.7%); CA=$248,982.72, MA=$125,448.12, DC=$83,400.00, VA=$83,120.44 - every figure matches the dossier to the dollar.

Independent corroborationRaw Schedule A recomputation matches dossier figures exactly; the deduplicated individual total ($1,901,117.92) equals the FEC official individual_itemized_contributions line to the penny, validating the underlying dataset.

What it does not showNew York is fairly her single largest state by dollars, and every serious challenger raises nationally - the cross-state total alone is not unusual. The notable point is the geographic concentration relative to the district she seeks to represent.

Verify it yourselfLoad the FEC Schedule A data, filter is_individual==true and memoed_subtotal==false, sum contribution_receipt_amount by contributor_state. NY sums to $956,336.06; everything else sums to $944,781.86 of a $1,901,117.92 total. CA/MA/DC/VA are the top out-of-state states.

1. FEC candidate H6NY17171: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Whose District Is It? The Donor-Class Portrait'

What the record showsRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A using the agency's own deduplication flag, Conley's single biggest in-district town for contributions is Chappaqua, at $51,543 - her own affluent New Castle/Chappaqua corner. The campaign brands itself 'Ossining,' the more diverse and working-class town whose name appears on her materials. Her largest out-of-district money centers were the NYC core (~$453K), San Francisco ($51,775), Palo Alto ($41,000), Greenwich, CT ($38,983), and Boston ($36,400).

EvidenceRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A (dedup): CHAPPAQUA = $51,543.26, the top NY-17 non-NYC town; next in-district towns are Mount Kisco ($34,950), Cold Spring ($23,334), Waccabuc ($23,213), Pound Ridge ($22,650).

Independent corroborationChappaqua=$51,543.26 reproduces the dossier's $51,543 from raw data; the Ossining branding-vs-base contrast is documented in the residency reporting (David McKay Wilson, dossier line 308).

What it does not showTown-level totals depend on contributor-listed city. This is a branding-vs-base contrast, not an allegation of any reporting violation; Chappaqua is within NY-17.

Verify it yourselfAggregate deduplicated Schedule A for C00900431 by contributor_city (NY state, excluding NYC boroughs); Chappaqua leads at $51,543.26.

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. FEC candidate H6NY17171: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Anointed Carpetbagger vs. the Local Field'

What the record showsPer FEC candidate totals for CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431 / H6NY17171, coverage 1/1/2025-3/31/2026), the campaign reported $2,645,257.86 in total receipts. Of the $2,362,582.04 raised from individuals, $1,901,117.92 (80.5% of individual money, 71.9% of receipts) came from itemized donors writing checks above $200. The under-$200 small-dollar base - the contributions that define a grassroots campaign - totaled just $461,464.12: 19.5% of individual money and 17.4% of receipts.

Evidencethe FEC candidate totals (the FEC candidate totals) confirms: receipts $2,645,257.86, individual_contributions $2,362,582.04, individual_itemized_contributions $1,901,117.92, individual_unitemized_contributions $461,464.12 - all to the penny.

Independent corroborationEvery component figure confirmed to the penny against the archived candidate totals AND independently reconciled: deduplicated raw Schedule A individual total = $1,901,117.92, exactly the FEC itemized line.

What it does not showFEC does not itemize sub-$200 donors, so the geographic (in-district) composition of the small-dollar base cannot be verified from filings - only the total dollar figure is known.

Verify it yourselfOpen the FEC totals page for H6NY17171 (or the FEC candidate totals) and read individual_itemized_contributions ($1,901,117.92), individual_unitemized_contributions ($461,464.12), and receipts ($2,645,257.86); compute unitemized/receipts = 17.4%.

Primary documents the FEC candidate totals

1. FEC candidate H6NY17171 totals: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. Local: research/sources/the-money/the FEC candidate totals
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Corporate Cash, Crypto & the Grassroots Mirage'

What the record showsAdding the big-money buckets - itemized individuals ($1,901,117.92, 71.9%), PAC/other-committee money ($108,050, 4.1%), and transfers from authorized committees ($166,251.27, 6.3%) - yields $2,175,419, or 82.2% of everything Conley has raised. That is a better-than-4.5-to-1 ratio over her $461,464 small-dollar base. The campaign's public boast of 'over 25,000 contributions, 90% of contributions under $100' counts the number of contributions, not the dollars.

Evidencethe FEC candidate totals confirms itemized $1,901,117.92, other_political_committee_contributions $108,050.00, transfers_from_other_authorized_committee $166,251.27, unitemized $461,464.12. Sum of big-money buckets = $2,175,419.19 = 82.2% of $2,645,257.86; 2,175,419/461,464 = 4.71x.

Independent corroborationAll component lines confirmed to the penny against the archived FEC snapshot.

What it does not showThe '90% under $100' and '25,000+ contributions' claims are accurate as stated about contribution counts; they are not false, but they describe transaction volume, not dollar sourcing. Whether '25,000 contributions' counts unique donors or repeat/recurring transactions is unresolved.

Verify it yourselfSum itemized individual ($1,901,117.92) + other-committee ($108,050) + authorized-committee transfers ($166,251.27) = $2,175,419.19 on the FEC totals page / candidate-totals data; divide by receipts ($2,645,257.86) = 82.2%; divide by unitemized ($461,464.12) = 4.71x.

Primary documents the FEC candidate totals

1. FEC candidate H6NY17171 totals: https://www.fec.gov/data/candidate/H6NY17171/
2. Local: research/sources/the-money/the FEC candidate totals
3. Rockland Post fundraising release
4. caitconley.com
5. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Grassroots Mirage: The Real Money Picture'

What the record showsWithin the itemized money, roughly 200-plus donors who gave $3,500 or more supplied about 60% of itemized dollars, and about 90 donors who hit the full $7,000 federal individual maximum supplied roughly a third of all itemized money. Separately, roughly one in four itemized contributions were under $100, but those small gifts supplied only about 1% of itemized dollars.

EvidenceRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A (dedup), per-donor aggregate: 217 donors gave >=$3,500, supplying $1,140,587.99 (60.0% of itemized); 93 donors at/near the $7,000 cap supplied $658,131.26 (34.6%); itemized contributions under $100 = 543 of 2,232 rows (24.3%), supplying $18,516.30 (0.97% of itemized dollars).

Independent corroborationIndependent recomputation matches all three claims: 60.0%, ~one-third (34.6%), ~one-in-four contributions = ~1% of dollars.

What it does not showThis describes the itemized (above-$200) money only; it does not capture the unitemized small-dollar base. Concentration among large donors is legal and common; it is offered as a measure of how dollar-weighted the base is.

Verify it yourselfIn the FEC Schedule A data, aggregate dedup itemized contributions per donor (name+zip), then count/sum donors at >=$3,500 (217 donors, $1,140,587.99, 60.0%) and >=$6,900 (93 donors, $658,131.26, 34.6%); count rows under $100 (543, 24.3%, 0.97% of dollars).

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Grassroots Mirage: The Real Money Picture'

What the record showsOf $1,314,840 in disbursements, $527,215 (40.1%) went to Washington, D.C. vendors, and a single D.C. digital firm, SB/SBD Digital, collected $358,666 across 19 payments. By contrast, payments to in-district NY-17 vendors total just $189,515 (14.4%) - and that 'local' spending is overwhelmingly staff payroll to Ossining-area individuals, not local commerce. Fully 85.8% of everything she has spent is categorized as administrative, salary, or overhead.

EvidenceRecomputed from the disbursement data: total $1,314,839.94; DC vendors $527,214.98 (40.1%); SB/SBD Digital $358,666.21 across 19 payments (dual spelling 'SB Digital, Inc.' / 'SBD Digital, Inc.', all Washington DC); Administrative/Salary/Overhead category $1,127,926.85 (85.8%). Every figure matches the dossier.

Independent corroborationAll four headline figures (total, DC%, SB Digital, admin%) reproduce the dossier to the dollar from raw disbursements.

What it does not showSpending nationally on consultants is legal and routine for competitive campaigns. The vendor-location split is a where-the-money-goes finding paralleling the where-it-comes-from finding, not a violation. The dual spelling of SB/SBD Digital is a real consistency flag worth a vendor-identity check (open lead).

Verify it yourselfAggregate the disbursement data by payee state: DC = $527,214.98 of $1,314,839.94 (40.1%); filter payee containing 'SB DIGITAL'/'SBD DIGITAL' = $358,666.21 / 19 rows; sum the Administrative/Salary/Overhead category = $1,127,926.85 (85.8%).

1. the disbursement data (recomputed)
2. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Whose District Is It?' (line 302) and SB Digital lead (lines 724, 731)

What the record showsConley takes no for-profit corporate connected-PAC money directly; her roughly $108,050 in committee contributions is leadership, ideological, veterans, and labor PACs (Serve America, Giffords, JStreetPAC, the New Democrat Coalition, the pilots' union, and the like). She is End Citizens United-endorsed and backs overturning Citizens United. The '$0 corporate PAC' pledge is technically accurate, but PAC and joint-fundraising money still reaches her through other channels - a billionaire-funded political-machine JFC channel (Majority Democrats, $112,150) and a part-establishment Super PAC supply the real outside money.

EvidenceFEC candidate totals confirms other_political_committee_contributions = $108,050. the PAC-transfer data shows the committee lines are leadership/ideological/veterans/labor PACs (Serve America $10,500, New Democrat Coalition Action Fund $5,000, JStreetPAC $250, Giffords PAC $1,000, United Pilots PAC $2,500, etc.) plus JFC transfers (Majority Democrats) and bank interest (Amalgamated Bank $1,094.66 = interest, not a contribution). End Citizens United endorsement confirmed via their endorsements page (Wayback snapshot 20260608021443).

Independent corroboration$108,050 PAC line confirmed to the penny against FEC snapshot; the PAC-transfer data shows the named leadership/ideological/labor/veterans PACs; ECU endorsements page has a live Wayback snapshot (20260608021443). Amalgamated Bank interest line ($1,094.66) verified as non-contribution.

What it does not showDo not allege she broke the pledge - she did not. The $112,150 Majority Democrats money is JFC-transfer money, not a corporate-PAC contribution, so it does not touch the pledge. The four 'Amalgamated Bank' line items ($1,094.66) are bank interest, not contributions. SCOPE-NARROWED per prior pass: the takeaway has been rewritten to neutral public voice ('the pledge is technically accurate, but PAC and JFC money still flows through other channels') - the earlier 'precisely the tell' framing read as internal-oppo characterization insinuating bad faith the record does not establish.

Verify it yourselfReview Schedule A committee receipts for C00900431 (the PAC-transfer data) and classify each PAC by type (corporate connected vs. leadership/ideological/labor); confirm none are for-profit corporate connected PACs; confirm $108,050 total on FEC candidate totals; confirm ECU endorsement on their (archived) endorsements page.

1. the PAC-transfer data
2. FEC candidate totals: $108,050 other-committee line
3. End Citizens United endorsements: https://www.endcitizensunited.org/endorsements
4. Wayback ECU: https://web.archive.org/web/20260608021443/https://www.endcitizensunited.org/endorsements
5. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Grassroots Mirage' and 'Corporate Cash, Crypto' sections

What the record showsPer firm-cluster analysis, Conley's dominant donor base is overwhelmingly national-security/government and BigLaw (CISA, U.S. Army, DHS, DOD, Paul Weiss, Debevoise, WilmerHale) - the West Point/CISA/NSC world she came from - sitting alongside a distinct private-equity, hedge-fund, and Big-Tech cluster (Lone Pine, Bain, D.E. Shaw, Vestar's Norman Alpert $6,000, Sixth Street's David Stiepleman $3,500, plus Google $7,250, OpenAI $2,500, and Amazon). The signature is coastal, credentialed, and capitalized, not Hudson Valley working-class.

EvidenceFEC Schedule A employer fields aggregated into the employer-clustering data; corroborated by the itemized bundle breakdown which independently lists the same firms (Anduril, Second Front, CrowdStrike, CISA, In-Q-Tel principals; Google $7,000 Pevarnek, Salesforce $7,000 Saha, OpenAI Reslan, Amazon/Microsoft/NVIDIA employees).

Independent corroborationThe firm-cluster profile is independently echoed in the itemized bundle breakdown's sector breakdown (defense/surveillance-AI, finance, Big Tech), which lists the same named principals and dollar figures.

What it does not showEmployer fields alone do not prove intent or coordination; this is a composition profile, not an allegation. These are legal, disclosed individual contributions.

Verify it yourselfAggregate raw Schedule A for C00900431 by contributor_employer and group into sectors; confirm the named firms (Lone Pine, Bain, D.E. Shaw, CISA, Paul Weiss, Google, OpenAI) and dollar figures appear in the itemized records (cross-check the employer-clustering data and the itemized bundle breakdown).

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. the employer-clustering data
3. the itemized bundle breakdown
4. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Whose District Is It?' section

What the record showsPalantir's 2026 proxy statement (SEC DEF 14A, pltr-20260423) states that Peter Thiel 'may be deemed to have shared voting, investment, and dispositive power with respect to more than 10% of each of Anduril and Chapter through Mr. Thiel's related entities.' Thiel is Palantir's co-founder and Chairman and a Founders Fund partner. This makes Thiel personally the hard, document-grade link between the two flagship firms of the cluster, distinct from Founders Fund's separate role as Anduril's lead VC.

EvidenceSEC DEF 14A (Palantir proxy, filed 2026-04-23, pltr-20260423) related-party footnote, verbatim: 'more than 10% of each of Anduril and Chapter through Mr. Thiel's related entities.' Confirmed verbatim in the locally saved filing.

Independent corroborationSame paragraph internally corroborates via the $40M/$17.66M figures; Thiel's chairman/Founders Fund roles are standard public record.

What it does not showThis is a corporate ownership fact about Thiel, not about Conley. Conley holds no Palantir or Anduril corporate money; the only Anduril-linked gift in her donor base came from co-founder Matt Grimm and his spouse as individuals ($10,000). The proxy describes shared/deemed voting power and explicitly hedges with 'may be deemed.'

Verify it yourselfOpen the locally saved palantir-def14a-2026.htm (or the Wayback snapshot) and search 'more than 10% of each of Anduril and Chapter'; the language appears verbatim in the related-party section.

Primary documents palantir-def14a-2026.htm

1. SEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 (Palantir 2026 proxy) — related-party footnote: Thiel 'may be deemed to have shared voting, investment, and dispositive power with respect to more than 10% of each of Anduril and Chapter'

What the record showsPer Palantir's 2026 proxy (DEF 14A), Palantir invested $40 million in Anduril's 2025 Series G round (representing less than 1% of Anduril's outstanding stock as of Dec 31, 2025) and received $17.66 million in payments for products and services from Anduril during 2025 (plus $167,782 from Chapter). This is a documented company-to-company financial relationship, separate from Thiel's personal cross-ownership.

EvidenceSEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 related-party disclosure, verbatim: 'we received payments of $17.66 million for our products and services from Anduril ... We also invested $40 million in Anduril's Series G preferred stock financing in 2025, which represented less than 1% ownership.' Confirmed verbatim in the archived filing.

Independent corroborationAnduril's $30.5B Series G (June 2025) independently confirmed via TechCrunch 2025-06-05, consistent with Palantir participating as a Series G holder.

What it does not showThese are Palantir<->Anduril corporate facts that do not implicate Conley. The $40M stake is explicitly less than 1% of Anduril.

Verify it yourselfSearch '17.66 million' and '$40 million in Anduril' in the archived copy; both appear in the related-party transactions paragraph.

Primary documents palantir-def14a-2026.htm

1. SEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 — Palantir $40M investment in Anduril 2025 Series G (<1%) and $17.66M revenue from Anduril in 2025

What the record showsPrimer announced on 2023-09-11 that its Primer Delta product 'will carry' FedRAMP authorization inherited via Palantir's FedStart program. But the current GSA FedRAMP Marketplace dataset (last_change 2026-05-19) lists the PFCS-SS (FR2315464863) dependent products by name and Primer is NOT among them; Primer does not appear anywhere in the marketplace dataset. The announcement used future tense and predates PFCS-SS authorization (Nov 2024). FedStart confers no government contract or revenue — being a tenant means inheriting Palantir's FedRAMP/IL controls only.

EvidenceGSA FedRAMP Marketplace dataset (locally saved fedramp-gsa-data.json, meta.last_change 2026-05-19T02:40:43Z, produced by GSA): search for 'primer' returns zero hits; PFCS-SS id FR2315464863 is present with its dependent-product roster. Primer's 2023-09-11 FedStart announcement (future-tense 'will carry').

Independent corroborationIndependent: BSA's Jessica Salmoiraghi (FedScoop 2025-04) characterized FedRAMP authorization as 'a license to participate,' supporting that FedStart tenancy is accreditation, not contract/revenue.

What it does not showThis corrects a commonly repeated claim ('Primer Delta is hosted on PFCS-SS, inheriting FedRAMP High'). The Primer<->FedStart link should be treated as announced intent, not documented current hosting. FedStart is an accreditation pathway, not a sales channel. This is a firm-network fact and does not bear on Conley directly.

Verify it yourselfIn the archived fedramp-gsa-data.json: `search -i primer fedramp-gsa-data.json` returns nothing; `search FR2315464863` confirms PFCS-SS is present with its tenant roster (Claude for Government, SpecterOps BloodHound, Hyperscience, TRM Labs, Windsurf, etc.). marketplace.fedramp.gov itself is JS-rendered and returns empty to crawlers; use the GSA dataset.

Primary documents fedramp-gsa-data.json

1. GSA FedRAMP Marketplace dataset (github.com/GSA/marketplace-fedramp-gov-data, last_change 2026-05-19) — Primer absent from PFCS-SS dependent-product list and from the dataset entirely
2. Primer 2023-09-11 FedStart announcement (future-tense 'will carry')

What the record showsPalantir's FedStart program serves as the FedRAMP/IL accreditation boundary for a roster that the GSA FedRAMP dataset confirms by name under PFCS-SS (FR2315464863), including Anthropic (Claude for Government), Grafana Federal Cloud, SpecterOps BloodHound Enterprise, Hyperscience Hypercell, TRM Labs, Windsurf, Descope, Epsilon3, Unstructured Platform, ConductorAI, Pryzm, GovSignals, Picogrid Legion, AutogenAI Federal, Knightscope, Authorium, Valinor/Streamline, and others (plus PrimerAI announced only). In the Anthropic case, Claude is deployed to federal agencies via FedStart at FedRAMP High + IL5, hosted on Google Cloud: Palantir = boundary, Google = host, Anthropic = SaaS app.

EvidenceGSA FedRAMP dataset PFCS-SS dependent-product descriptions (locally saved; lists Claude for Government, SpecterOps BloodHound, Hyperscience, TRM Labs, Windsurf, Descope, Epsilon3, Unstructured Platform, ConductorAI, Pryzm, GovSignals, Picogrid Legion, AutogenAI, Knightscope, Authorium, etc.); Unstructured.io FedStart BusinessWire 2025-08-08; FedScoop 2025-04 (Anthropic/Google/Palantir three-way).

Independent corroborationUnstructured.io FedStart join confirmed across BusinessWire/Nasdaq/Yahoo Finance (2025-08-08).

What it does not showDo NOT cite palantir.com/offerings/fedstart (JS-rendered, publishes no roster). Skydio (independent FedRAMP path via Fortreum+AWS) and Rune (zero corroboration) are correctly dropped from the tenant list. Tenant status confers accreditation inheritance, not government contracts. None of this is a Conley relationship.

Verify it yourselfSearch the archived fedramp-gsa-data.json for FR2315464863 and read the dependent-product narrative; each named tenant appears. Cross-reference Unstructured via the 2025-08-08 BusinessWire FedStart release.

Primary documents fedramp-gsa-data.json

1. GSA FedRAMP Marketplace dataset — PFCS-SS (FR2315464863) dependent-product roster
2. BusinessWire 2025-08-08 — Unstructured.io joins Palantir FedStart at FedRAMP High + IL-5
3. FedScoop 2025-04 — Claude on FedStart at FedRAMP High + IL5, hosted on Google Cloud

What the record showsAnduril co-founder Matt Grimm and his spouse gave $10,000 to Conley as individuals. Grimm is ex-Palantir and previously worked at Mithril, Thiel's hedge fund — placing his personal biography inside the Thiel/Palantir orbit. A broader Anduril intra-firm bundling cluster (Grimm + spouse + exec Sack) totaled about $11,000 to Conley.

EvidenceFEC individual-contribution records for Conley's committee; the Anduril firm-bundling cluster documented in the donor-network map ('Anduril (Grimm + spouse + exec Sack, $11K) — ties to Thiel/Palantir network' and 'Anduril co-founder Matt Grimm + spouse ($10,000; Grimm is ex-Palantir/Thiel's Mithril)').

Independent corroborationCross-referenced with the donor-network map's firm-bundling-cluster section; the Mithril/Palantir biography is consistent with public reporting on Anduril's founding team.

What it does not showThis is the one defensible adjacency thread, kept at arm's length: the gift is Grimm's PERSONAL money, not Anduril corporate money. Conley holds NO Palantir or Anduril corporate funds. Anduril-linked PAC money went to Anduril's PAC, not to Conley. An individual donation from a firm co-founder is not a corporate relationship and does not show influence over Conley's conduct.

Verify it yourselfSearch FEC individual contributions to Conley's principal campaign committee for Grimm and the Anduril cluster; confirm employer/occupation fields and that no corporate PAC money is present. the donor-network map documents the cluster and the ex-Palantir/Mithril biography.

1. FEC individual-contribution records (Conley committee) — Matt Grimm + spouse $10,000; Anduril cluster (Grimm + spouse + Sack) ~$11,000

What the record showsPrimer — one of the two firms Conley reportedly consulted for — runs a dense intelligence-community bench. Brian Raymond, a former CIA officer and former White House NSC Director for Iraq, ran Primer's federal business, then founded Unstructured.io, which joined Palantir's FedStart (FedRAMP High + IL5) on 2025-08-08 — 'the clearest CIA->NSC->Primer->Palantir-ecosystem chain.' Primer's bench also includes EVP Gov Affairs/CoS Toni Hipp (ex-CIA), VP Infra & Security Brent Williams (ex-CIA), and VP Solution Architecture Brian Gershkoff (ex-USSOCOM).

EvidenceCipher Brief / speaker bios (Raymond); BusinessWire 2025-08-08 (Unstructured.io joins FedStart at FedRAMP High + IL-5); primer.ai/leadership (Toni Hipp confirmed as 'EVP, Head of Government Affairs and Chief of Staff to the CEO').

Independent corroborationFedStart roster cross-confirmed via the GSA dataset (Unstructured Platform is a PFCS-SS dependent product).

What it does not showRaymond's exact Primer title varies across sources ('President of Primer's federal business' vs. 'VP, Global Public Sector'). This roster describes the company Conley's consulting client keeps; it does not establish anything about Conley's own conduct. Personnel facts, not contract facts.

Verify it yourselfConfirm Unstructured.io's FedStart join via the 2025-08-08 BusinessWire release; confirm Toni Hipp on the archived copy; cross-check Raymond's CIA/NSC bio via the Cipher Brief.

Primary documents primer-leadership.html

1. Cipher Brief (Raymond bio: CIA, NSC Director for Iraq)
2. BusinessWire 2025-08-08 — Unstructured.io joins Palantir FedStart at FedRAMP High + IL-5
3. primer.ai/leadership — Toni Hipp (EVP Gov Affairs / CoS), Brent Williams, Brian Gershkoff

What the record showsPalantir's FY2025 10-K (revenue up 56% from $2.9B in 2024, i.e. ~$4.5B; U.S. government revenue $1.9B) admits investors have 'less insight into our classified programs than our other businesses,' and names its FedStart offering as a third-party security risk because tenants deploy 'third-party applications ... built outside of our platforms or environments utilizing security procedures, techniques, and controls that may not meet our standards for information security.' The 10-K also credits FASA, stating its enforcement 'has resulted in a significant increase in our business with the U.S. federal government' (the underlying precedent is Palantir USG v. United States, 904 F.3d 980 (Fed. Cir. 2018)).

EvidenceSEC 10-K pltr-20251231 (locally saved, verbatim): 'less insight into our classified programs'; 'These third-party applications have been built outside of our platforms or environments utilizing security procedures, techniques, and controls that may not meet our standards for information security' (re FedStart); 'FASA has resulted in a significant increase in our business with the U.S. federal government'; '56% growth rate from the year ended December 31, 2024, when we generated $2.9 billion in revenue.'

Independent corroborationFedStart-as-risk language internally corroborates the FedStart tenant-model findings (tenants import outside code into Palantir's accredited boundary).

What it does not showCorporate-disclosure and legal-precedent facts about Palantir; no Conley dimension. The 'security risk' framing is Palantir's own risk-factor language about its tenant model (the same FedStart that links to Primer). The 904 F.3d cite is from Justia, not the 10-K body (the 10-K references FASA generally).

Verify it yourselfsearch the archived copy of that source for 'less insight into our classified programs', 'FedStart offering', 'built outside of our platforms', and 'significant increase in our business' — all match verbatim. Pull the Federal Circuit opinion on Justia.

Primary documents palantir-10k-fy2025.htm

1. SEC 10-K pltr-20251231 — FY2025 revenue +56% from $2.9B (~$4.5B); FedStart third-party security-risk language; FASA 'significant increase in our business'; 'less insight into our classified programs'
2. Justia — Palantir USG v. United States, 904 F.3d 980 (Fed. Cir. 2018)

What the record showsA live read of caitconley.com/policy turns up zero mentions of carried interest, REITs, capital gains, the private-equity or hedge-fund tax preference, 1031 exchanges, depreciation, pass-through income, a billionaire tax, or a wealth tax. These are the specific tax preferences most used by the hedge-fund, private-equity, and real-estate-developer donors who appear on her FEC itemized contribution list. A 'crack down on Wall Street and landlords' message paired with a tax plan silent on every mechanism those interests rely on is a documented gap between rhetoric and published policy.

EvidenceKeyword pass of the archived copy confirmed zero instances of: carried interest (0), REIT (0), capital gains (0), 1031 (0), pass-through (0), billionaire (0), wealth tax (0), depreciation (0). FEC C00900431 donor occupations establish the financier/developer bloc.

Independent corroborationThe keyword-absence pass is fully reproducible against the archived local HTML (search counts all returned 0) and against the today-dated Wayback snapshot, fixing the wording at a point in time.

What it does not showA campaign policy page is not an exhaustive legislative agenda, and the absence of a term is not a pledge to protect that loophole; she may support such reforms without listing them. The finding documents what the published page omits, not a stated position to preserve any preference. The strongest version is an open question: whether she will name a single carried-interest, REIT, capital-gains, pass-through, or 1031 reform.

Verify it yourselfRun 'search -io' for each loophole term against the archived copy (or fetch the live page); all return 0. The Wayback snapshot 20260613020326 fixes the wording.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy (live read — no mentions of carried interest, REITs, capital gains, 1031, pass-through, wealth/billionaire tax)
2. FEC C00900431 (financier and developer donor occupations)

What the record showsConley's campaign presents her as a 'fourth-generation Hudson Valley native,' but her own upbringing was in Pine Bush, Orange County — outside NY-17 — per lohud, and her original Tillman Foundation bio said 'Growing up outside New York City' with no Hudson Valley mention. A Westchester Board of Elections FOIL (obtained by David McKay Wilson) shows her NY-17 voter registration was signed 2025-03-05, just 19 days before her 2025-03-24 campaign launch. She voted in Chappaqua in November 2025. Her home is in New Castle (Millwood), assessed at $759,856, with an Ossining mailing address. The 'native' framing presents ancestral geography where her own biography would invite the carpetbagger question.

Evidencelohud (Pine Bush upbringing); Westchester BOE FOIL via McKay Wilson (registration signed 2025-03-05); original vs. rewritten Tillman bio; property assessment record; the the claims-vs-records review review rows #1, #26-27.

Independent corroborationThe McKay Wilson FOIL is corroborated by the the claims-vs-records review review rows #1 and #26-27 and by the cross-beat residency dossier; the FEC committee record independently lists an Ossining mailing address consistent with the relocation timeline.

What it does not showThis is a framing flag with a Tier-A documentary timeline underneath, not a false statement — 'fourth-generation Hudson Valley' (ancestry) and 'grew up in Pine Bush' are not logically contradictory, and many candidates relocate within a region. The genealogy of the 'fourth-generation' lineage itself is unverified. Per the residency guardrails this belongs to the residency beat; included here as a message-vs-record contradiction. The campaign committee's FEC address is Ossining; the assessment is New Castle/Millwood.

Verify it yourselfRequest the Westchester BOE registration packet; confirm the 2025-03-05 signing date and 2025-03-24 launch date (19 days); check the property assessment and lohud's Pine Bush reporting. Repo the the claims-vs-records review review rows #1, #26-27 hold the vetted timeline.

1. lohud — Conley graduated Pine Bush HS (Orange County), upbringing outside NY-17
2. Westchester BOE FOIL (McKay Wilson) — NY-17 voter registration signed 2025-03-05; voted Chappaqua Nov 2025
3. Property assessment — New Castle (Millwood), $759,856, Ossining mailing address

What the record showsIn April 2025, Conley said she would support the Antisemitism Awareness Act — the IHRA-codifying bill (S.558/H.R.1007, 119th Congress) for which her Republican general-election opponent Mike Lawler is the lead House sponsor. The ACLU, J Street, T'ruah, Bend the Arc, Americans for Peace Now, and FIRE oppose the bill on First Amendment grounds. Conley is simultaneously listed as 'Primary Approved' by J Street PAC. On her opponent's signature legislation, she is aligned with Lawler and against the stated position of one of her own endorsers.

EvidenceJewish Insider, April 2025 ('Cait Conley said she would support the Antisemitism Awareness Act, of which Lawler has been the lead sponsor in the House'); congress.gov / govtrack S.558 (119th Cong.); ACLU/FIRE/Times of Israel coverage of opposition; jstreetpac.org (Conley 'Primary Approved').

Independent corroborationJewish Insider's April 2025 piece (WebSearch-confirmed verbatim 'lead sponsor in the House') is corroborated by congress.gov/govtrack S.558 sponsorship records and by Lawler's own house.gov release announcing he and Gottheimer reintroduced the AAA.

What it does not showSupporting a bipartisan antisemitism bill is a defensible position many Democrats share, and the bill's First Amendment critics are not unanimous across the party. The finding documents alignment with her opponent and divergence from an endorser, not an extreme or fringe stance. Endorsements do not bind a candidate to every position of the endorsing group.

Verify it yourselfRead the April 2025 Jewish Insider piece (archived 20260413021345) for her AAA statement; confirm Lawler's lead House sponsorship on congress.gov S.558/H.R.1007; verify the J Street PAC 'Primary Approved' listing and the ACLU/J Street opposition.

1. Jewish Insider, April 2025 — Conley says she'd support the Antisemitism Awareness Act (Lawler lead House sponsor)
2. congress.gov / govtrack — S.558 (119th Cong.) Antisemitism Awareness Act of 2025
3. ACLU; FIRE; Times of Israel — civil-liberties opposition to the AAA
4. jstreetpac.org — Conley listed 'Primary Approved'

What the record showsOn April 15, 2026, the Senate voted on Sanders-led disapproval resolutions targeting Israel arms sales: 40 of 47 Senate Democrats (85%) voted to block a $295M Caterpillar D9 bulldozer sale (S.J.Res.32 failed 40-59); only seven Democrats sided with Republicans. Nine days later, at the April 24, 2026 Jewish Democratic Council of America NY-17 candidate forum, Conley distanced herself from that supermajority, saying she is 'concerned' that 'politicians now trying to make calls on what assistance should or should not go' and that 'we need to take politicians out of that equation.' On the issue most likely to move primary voters, she chose the position the large majority of her party's Senate caucus had just rejected.

EvidenceThe Hill, Time, Times of Israel (April 15-16, 2026 Senate vote tallies); Jewish Insider, April 2026 (Conley JDCA forum remarks, saved verbatim via WebFetch).

Independent corroborationTwo independent layers: (1) the Senate tally is confirmed across The Hill/Time/Times of Israel/Common Dreams/Intercept, with Times of Israel's headline noting 'record 85% of Democrats support the move' and Time naming the seven dissenters; (2) Conley's JDCA quotes are confirmed verbatim from the Jewish Insider write-up via WebFetch ('take politicians out of that equation').

What it does not showAn anti-conditioning position is shared by some prominent Senate Democrats (Schumer, Gillibrand, Blumenthal, Coons, Cortez Masto, Fetterman, Rosen) and is a defensible foreign-policy view, not a fringe stance; the contrast measures her against the caucus majority, not against the entire party. She framed her position around removing politics from military-assistance decisions, which is a substantive argument, not silence. Per guardrails, nothing here alleges a crime.

Verify it yourselfPull the April 15, 2026 Senate roll-call on S.J.Res.32 (40-59; 7 Democrats with GOP). Read the Jewish Insider write-up of the April 24, 2026 JDCA forum (archived 20260514051940) for Conley's quoted remarks.

1. The Hill / Time / Times of Israel — April 15-16, 2026 Senate disapproval-resolution tallies (S.J.Res.32 failed 40-59; 7 Democrats with GOP)
2. Jewish Insider, April 2026 — Conley at JDCA NY-17 forum, 'take politicians out of that equation'

What the record showsConley is listed as 'Primary Approved' by J Street PAC, yet J Street has moved to her left on the precise question she avoided. In April 2026, J Street announced it now supports phasing out U.S. financial military aid (FMF) to Israel by 2028 when the current MOU expires — including, by that endpoint, defensive systems like Iron Dome — and that future sales should be subject to the Leahy human-rights laws now. Conley simultaneously sits on DMFI PAC's 'Majority Project' slate (announced February 19, 2026). She holds both endorsements while taking the anti-conditioning stance that one of those endorsers now formally rejects.

Evidencejstreetpac.org (Conley 'Primary Approved'); Haaretz ('No More Exceptions: J Street Backs Phasing Out All U.S. Aid to Israel by 2028,' 2026-04-13), Middle East Monitor, Cleveland Jewish News/JNS (J Street 2028 phase-out + Leahy conditioning + Iron Dome); DMFI PAC press release Feb. 19, 2026 (Majority Project slate).

Independent corroborationJ Street's 2028 phase-out is confirmed across Haaretz, Middle East Monitor, and JNS/Cleveland Jewish News (which specifically notes the Iron Dome inclusion); the ZOA attack release independently confirms J Street's call as a 'condition (eliminate) military sales' position, corroborating the substance from a hostile source.

What it does not showJ Street's position is a 2028 phase-out tied to MOU expiry plus Leahy-law conditioning now, not an immediate cutoff — an important precision. Holding endorsements from groups on opposite sides of a debate is not itself improper, and a candidate need not match every endorser's platform. The contradiction is in her holding both while declining the conditioning position J Street now champions.

Verify it yourselfConfirm the J Street PAC 'Primary Approved' and DMFI Majority Project slate listings; read Haaretz (2026-04-13), Middle East Monitor, and JNS/Cleveland Jewish News for J Street's 2028 phase-out, Leahy-conditioning, and Iron Dome inclusion.

1. jstreetpac.org — Conley 'Primary Approved'
2. Haaretz / Middle East Monitor / JNS, April 2026 — J Street backs phasing out U.S. aid to Israel by 2028, Leahy-law conditioning now (incl. Iron Dome)
3. DMFI PAC press release, Feb. 19, 2026 — Conley on 'Majority Project' slate

What the record showsCait Conley's NY-17 voter-registration form was signed March 5, 2025, the same day she obtained a New York State driver's license — roughly 19 days (about three weeks) before her March 24, 2025 campaign announcement. Presented as a documented timeline: the registration date precedes the launch date.

EvidenceDavid McKay Wilson (Hudson Valley Digger), verbatim from the article body captured in the Wayback snapshot dated 2026-01-28: "Her voter registration form, signed on March 5, 2025 when she obtained a New York state drivers license, lists her mailing address in Ossining." Wilson reports he obtained the form from the Westchester County Board of Elections. Launch date independently confirmed by Nextgov/FCW (published March 24, 2025): "she announced her candidacy on Monday, March 24, 2025."

Independent corroborationRegistration date and $759,856 home from McKay Wilson's BOE FOIL reporting; launch date independently from Nextgov/FCW dated the day of the announcement; New Castle-vs-Ossining framing also carried by NRCC and the Judge Street Journal.

What it does not showFOIL-confirmed public record (per Wilson's reporting; the original BOE form should be independently FOILed). The registration coincided with getting a NY driver's license — consistent with the ordinary mechanics of an actual move into the district, which cuts against any timed-for-campaign reading. The 19-day proximity is a documented sequence only; no motive is imputed. Registering in a district one is moving into is lawful and routine.

Verify it yourselfOpen the Wayback snapshot (web.archive.org/web/20260128100302/...) and read the line "Her voter registration form, signed on March 5, 2025 when she obtained a New York state drivers license." FOIL the Conley NY-17 voter-registration form from the Westchester County Board of Elections to confirm the 3/5/2025 signature; compare to the March 24, 2025 launch reported by Nextgov.

Primary documents mckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.htmlmckaywilson-conley-residence.htmlarchived

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — David McKay Wilson, body
2. web.archive.org/web/20260128100302/https://davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional
3. www.nextgov.com/people/2025/03/former-election-security-official-announces-run-congress-new-york

What the record showsConley's current home is in the affluent Millwood neighborhood of the Town of New Castle, sits on roughly 2 acres, and is valued at $759,856 by the town assessor — even though her campaign emphasizes a residence in 'diverse Ossining.'

EvidenceDavid McKay Wilson, verbatim from the archived body: "I cross-checked the address with the town of New Castle assessment rolls. Bingo! I found the Conley home, located on 2 acres, and valued at $759,856 by the town assessor." NRCC echoes: "her home is located New Castle's Millwood neighborhood on the western edge of the town, according to New Castle assessment records."

Independent corroborationTwo independent sources place the home in New Castle/Millwood per assessment records (McKay Wilson + NRCC). The specific $759,856 figure is from McKay Wilson's review of the New Castle assessment rolls.

What it does not showA New Castle home is inside NY-17; living in the district is not in question. The contrast is between the affluent New Castle reality and the campaign's 'diverse Ossining' framing — not a district-eligibility issue. Value and location are non-partisan public records; the precise assessment figure should be re-confirmed against the current New Castle assessment roll.

Verify it yourselfOpen the Wayback snapshot and read "located on 2 acres, and valued at $759,856 by the town assessor." Independently look up the property in the Town of New Castle assessment roll to confirm the assessed value and Millwood/New Castle location.

Primary documents mckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.htmlnrcc-carpetbaggin-cait.htmlarchived

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — McKay Wilson ($759,856, 2
2. web.archive.org/web/20260128100302/https://davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional
3. nrcc.org/2026/01/26/icymi-carpetbaggin-caits-no-good-very-bad-week/ — NRCC, New Castle/Millwood

What the record showsStated as a clean chronology from the records: Conley signs her NY-17 voter-registration form on March 5, 2025 (the day she gets a New York driver's license); announces her congressional campaign on March 24, 2025 (about three weeks later); and casts an in-district vote in Chappaqua in November 2025. No motive is imputed to the order of events — it is presented strictly as a documented timeline.

EvidenceRegistration (3/5/2025) and license: McKay Wilson archived body. Launch (3/24/2025): Nextgov/FCW, published that day. Chappaqua vote (Nov 2025): Judge Street Journal, Jan 28, 2026.

Independent corroborationEach leg of the timeline rests on a distinct source: registration (McKay Wilson/BOE FOIL), launch (Nextgov, contemporaneous), Chappaqua vote (Judge Street Journal).

What it does not showSequencing a registration shortly before a campaign launch is consistent with ordinary relocation and candidacy mechanics — and the registration coinciding with a new NY driver's license reinforces the move-in reading. The timeline alone does not establish that the registration was timed for the campaign. The bottom line is the dates are her own record. (Chappaqua vote is single-sourced via the Judge Street Journal pending direct BOE confirmation.)

Verify it yourselfLay the three dated records side by side: the BOE registration form (3/5/25, per Wilson), the campaign launch (3/24/25, per Nextgov), and the BOE voter-history entry (Nov 2025, per Judge Street Journal). Confirm the vote directly via the Westchester County voter file.

Primary documents mckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.htmljudgestreetjournal-conley-residence.htmlarchived

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — registration date (3/5/20
2. www.nextgov.com/people/2025/03/former-election-security-official-announces-run-congress-new-york
3. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/dccc-favorite-cait-conley-makes-dubious — Chappaqua vote (Nov

What the record showsThe bottom line: Conley registered to vote in NY-17 on March 5, 2025 (the day she got a NY driver's license), about three weeks before her March 24, 2025 launch; she lives in a New Castle/Millwood home on 2 acres assessed at $759,856 that carries an Ossining mailing label; she voted in Chappaqua in November 2025; and the campaign has not publicly stated when she became a New York Democrat. Each underlying fact is sourced; none is disqualifying on its own; the residency story is a documented timeline that raises questions the campaign has not answered.

EvidenceSynthesis of the FOIL-confirmed registration date (McKay Wilson), the $759,856 New Castle home (McKay Wilson + NRCC), the Ossining mailing label (three sources), the November 2025 Chappaqua vote (Judge Street Journal), and the contemporaneous March 24 launch (Nextgov).

Independent corroborationComponent facts corroborated across McKay Wilson, NRCC, Judge Street Journal, and Nextgov as detailed in the individual findings.

What it does not showThis is an inference-level synthesis: every underlying fact is individually sourced, but the framing is editorial. Out-of-district childhood roots, recent registration tied to a genuine move (new NY license), and an out-of-district mailing label are each lawful and common. The honest open item — the party-enrollment date — is flagged as unconfirmed, not asserted.

Verify it yourselfVerify each component fact against its source (and ideally the underlying BOE records and assessment roll); treat the synthesis as editorial framing of individually sourced facts. The party-enrollment date remains the one unconfirmed element and must not be asserted.

Primary documents mckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.htmljudgestreetjournal-conley-residence.htmlarchivednrcc-carpetbaggin-cait.htmlarchived

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — registration, residence,
2. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/dccc-favorite-cait-conley-makes-dubious — November 2025 Chappa
3. www.nextgov.com/people/2025/03/former-election-security-official-announces-run-congress-new-york

What the record showsConley is one of four women combat-veteran candidates branded the 'Hell Cats' (Conley/NY-17, JoAnna Mendoza/AZ-06, Rebecca Bennett/NJ-07, Maura Sullivan/NH-01). New Politics co-founder Emily Cherniack is credited by the group with introducing its members to one another; the candidates then began a Signal chat in mid-2025 and self-branded as the Hell Cats, a name chosen after the first women Marines of WWI. New Politics promotes Conley on its site ('From combat zones to the Situation Room').

EvidenceThe Nation profile of the Hell Cats confirms verbatim: 'Cherniack is credited by the Hell Cats with introducing the group's members to one another last year'; 'They began a Signal chat with one another in mid-2025 and branded themselves as the Hell Cats, after a World War I cohort of female Marines who were confined to desk duty but nevertheless wore the uniform and made the same salary as male Marines.' The four candidates and districts are named verbatim. Salon 2/12/2026 and 19th News corroborate the four-woman slate.

Independent corroborationThe Nation (re-fetched, quotes verbatim), Salon (re-fetched, four-candidate slate confirmed), and New Politics bio (re-fetched, 'From combat zones to the Situation Room' confirmed present) independently corroborate the slate and recruitment lineage.

What it does not showThis establishes recruitment lineage and shared infrastructure, not an ideological war on the left. The Nation states verbatim the Hell Cats are 'somewhat more ideologically diverse than their Badass predecessors' and 'So far, they haven't picked fights with their party's left.' The 'counterweight to the Squad' framing is the outlets' characterization, not Conley's self-description. The detail that Cherniack's first-ever recruit was Seth Moulton is NOT in The Nation profile and must be sourced separately before printing.

Verify it yourselfRead the cited Nation/Salon/19th News profiles naming Cherniack and the four candidates; view newpolitics.org/candidates/cait-conley. Search the Nation piece for 'Cherniack is credited' and 'Signal chat'.

Primary documents newpolitics-conley-bio.html

1. www.thenation.com/article/society/hellcats-hegseth-democrats-military-vets/ — The Nation, Hell C
2. www.salon.com/2026/02/12/meet-the-hell-cats-a-key-to-democrats-hopes-of-taking-the-house-partner
3. 19thnews.org/2026/02/hell-cats-women-veterans-house-candidates/ — 19th News
4. www.newpolitics.org/candidates/cait-conley — New Politics candidate page

What the record showsDemocratic Majority for Israel's super PAC, DMFI PAC, endorsed Conley on 2/19/2026 as part of its 11-candidate '2026 Majority Project' slate (which also included Hell Cat Maura Sullivan). FEC Schedule E shows DMFI PAC (C00710848) reported a $381.82 independent expenditure supporting Conley on 2/25/2026 (digital advertising/production). In 2024, AIPAC's United Democracy Project alone spent ~$14.5M to defeat Bowman in NY-16 — the most expensive House primary in history.

EvidenceDMFI press release (re-fetched): dated 'February 19, 2026 · Washington, D.C.,' 11-candidate slate, includes 'Cait Conley, NY-17' and 'Maura Sullivan, NH-01.' FEC Schedule E (the FEC Schedule E data, re-summed): DMFI PAC IE supporting Conley = $381.82 exactly. UDP (C00799031) FEC pull: its ONLY 2026 NY Schedule E rows are two negative refund adjustments to 2024 anti-Bowman buys (district 16, -$7,019.66 and -$24,033.39) — zero positive 2026 NY-17 IE.

Independent corroborationDMFI PR (re-fetched, date+slate verbatim), FEC Schedule E (re-summed, $381.82 exactly), and a fresh UDP/AIPAC FEC query (confirming zero 2026 NY-17 IE) all corroborate the finding and its exculpatory caveat.

What it does not showDMFI is a separate organization from AIPAC. As of the FEC pull, AIPAC's United Democracy Project (C00799031) has reported NO 2026 NY-17 independent expenditures — its only 2026 New York rows are negative refund adjustments to 2024 anti-Bowman buys. The ~$14.5M Bowman machine has not (yet) entered NY-17 — this exculpatory point is now confirmed by direct FEC query.

Verify it yourselfPull FEC Schedule E for C00710848 filtered to Conley ($381.82); confirm the DMFI endorsement PR (2/19/2026, 11 candidates); query UDP C00799031 Schedule E for NY — only negative 2024-Bowman refund rows appear.

Primary documents dmfi-pac-2026-majority-project-endorsement.htmlfec-schedule-e-conley-IE.json

1. dmfipac.org/news-updates/press-release/dmfi-pac-announces-2026-majority-project-endorses-first-s
2. FEC Schedule E, committee C00710848; the FEC Schedule E data
3. FEC Schedule E, committee C00799031 (UDP/AIPAC) — NY rows
4. www.timesofisrael.com/aipac-leads-unprecedented-14-5-million-campaign-against-bowman-in-ny-prima

What the record showsThe Defending Digital Democracy Project (D3P) — Conley's signature qualification — was launched at Harvard's Belfer Center on July 18, 2017 by Belfer co-director Eric Rosenbach (former Assistant Secretary of Defense) and co-led by two partisan campaign managers, Robby Mook (Clinton 2016) and Matt Rhoades (Romney 2012). Its Senior Advisory Group was anchored by Big Tech security leadership — Alex Stamos (then Facebook CSO), Heather Adkins (Google), and CrowdStrike co-founder Dmitri Alperovitch — plus ex-NSA official Debora Plunkett. Conley later served as D3P Executive Director before/around her CISA role.

EvidenceHKS announcement (re-fetched): launch date 'July 18, 2017'; directed by Eric Rosenbach, 'Co-Director of the Belfer Center and former Assistant Secretary of Defense'; co-led by 'Robby Mook, Hillary Clinton's 2016 campaign manager, and Matt Rhoades, Mitt Romney's 2012 campaign manager.' Advisory group verbatim: 'Alex Stamos, Chief Security Officer—Facebook'; 'Heather Adkins, Director, Information Security and Privacy—Google'; 'Dmitri Alperovich, Co-Founder and CTO—CrowdStrike'; 'Debora Plunkett, former Director—National Security Agency's Information Assurance Directorate.' Forgepoint/Forgecast bio confirms Conley was D3P Executive Director.

Independent corroborationHKS announcement (re-fetched, all names/titles/date verbatim) corroborated by the WaPo headline ('former Clinton and Romney campaign chiefs join forces') and InfluenceWatch.

What it does not showThe project was genuinely bipartisan (a Clinton and a Romney manager), which Conley's framing accurately reflects; the point is that 'independent expert' obscures that it was run by campaign operatives and advised by platform security chiefs, not a disinterested academy. No wrongdoing is implied.

Verify it yourselfRead the HKS launch announcement naming Rosenbach, Mook, and Rhoades and the four advisory-group members; cross-check via the WaPo piece.

1. www.hks.harvard.edu/announcements/belfer-center-launches-defending-digital-democracy-project — H
2. www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/former-clinton-and-romney-campaign-chiefs-join-fo
3. www.influencewatch.org/organization/defending-digital-democracy-project-d3p/ — InfluenceWatch

What the record showsMajority Democrats launched in July 2025 as a hybrid/super PAC grown from venture capitalist Seth London's post-2024 'party within the party' blueprint, with ex-Tesla executive Rohan Patel as executive director. Jacobin names Cait Conley and NY-17 directly among the candidates this network funds (via the affiliated 'Bench' organization) — alongside Mallory McMorrow, James Talarico, Angie Craig, Josh Turek, Haley Stevens, and Ritchie Torres.

EvidenceJacobin 4/2026 (re-fetched): names 'Cait Conley, a combat veteran vying for New York's seventeenth congressional district' and lists 'Mallory McMorrow in Michigan, James Talarico in Texas, Josh Turek in Iowa, Angie Craig in Minnesota, and Conley in New York' as endorsed by the Bench, plus 'Rep. Ritchie Torres and Conley in New York.' Confirms Majority Democrats launched July 2025 on Seth London's blueprint with Rohan Patel (ex-Tesla) as ED. (Conley separately received $3,500 from THE BENCH per the PAC-transfer data.)

Independent corroborationJacobin (re-fetched) names Conley/NY-17 verbatim among the funded slate; the PAC-transfer data independently shows THE BENCH gave Conley $3,500.

What it does not showJacobin and The Lever write from a progressive editorial lens. The naming is reported fact (Conley appears on their list); the framing of the apparatus's purpose is those outlets' characterization. Coordination reporting about the broader network does not apply to Conley's campaign specifically. NOTE: the Jacobin piece does NOT name Jake Auchincloss as Majority Democrats chair — that detail is sourced from Wikipedia/other reporting.

Verify it yourselfRead the Jacobin piece and confirm Conley/NY-17 is among the named candidates; check the PAC-transfer data for THE BENCH $3,500 transfer.

Primary documents conley-pac-the underlying data

1. jacobin.com/2026/04/democratic-campaigns-finance-dark-money — Jacobin
2. www.levernews.com/the-new-democratic-machine-and-the-billionaires-behind-it/ — The Lever
3. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Majority_Democrats — Wikipedia

What the record showsIn October 2025 the DCCC invited Conley and one rival (Beth Davidson) to its 'Candidate Week' event in Washington for training and media preparation, singling out two of the roughly eight then-declared Democrats. Below the national party, county committees tilted toward Conley before voters weighed in: Putnam endorsed her with 63% on the first ballot, while Rockland's committee endorsed her rival Davidson.

EvidenceJewish Insider 11/2025 (re-fetched): 'Davidson and Conley were invited to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee's Candidate Week event in Washington earlier this month, where they received additional training and media preparation'; field of 8 declared challengers dropping to 7 after Reinmann. Mid Hudson News 4/22/2026 corroborates the Putnam endorsement.

Independent corroborationJewish Insider (re-fetched) confirms the DCCC Candidate Week invitation and the field size; Mid Hudson News corroborates the Putnam county endorsement.

What it does not showThe county-party tilt was not uniform — Rockland's committee endorsed her rival Davidson, and at least one town chair appeared on both candidates' endorser lists. No source alleges improper coordination; the point is the apparatus lining up early. NOTE: Jewish Insider says the two were 'invited to' Candidate Week, not 'flew' — use the sourced verb.

Verify it yourselfRead the Jewish Insider account of DCCC Candidate Week (search 'Candidate Week'); confirm the county endorsement votes via Mid Hudson News and Ballotpedia.

1. jewishinsider.com/2025/11/cait-conley-beth-davidson-mike-lawler-democratic-primary-new-york/ — J
2. ballotpedia.org/Cait_Conley — Ballotpedia
3. midhudsonnews.com/2026/04/22/putnam-democrats-endorse-conley-to-oppose-lawler/ — Mid Hudson News

What the record showsNew Politics' bio of Conley contains the line 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, Cait has always answered the call to lead.' VoteVets' $1M ad opens, 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, she knows where she comes from.' The near-verbatim echo across the recruiter's bio and the super PAC's ad illustrates a centrally produced message.

EvidenceNew Politics bio (re-fetched): contains 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, Cait has always answered the call to lead.' City & State NY 5/28/2026 (re-fetched) quotes the VoteVets ad verbatim: 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, she knows where she comes from. Cait's running for Congress to take on Trump's corruption, rein in ICE, and bring down costs for Hudson Valley families,' and confirms the $1 million buy.

Independent corroborationBoth phrases confirmed by re-fetch: the New Politics bio line and the City & State quote of the VoteVets ad — the 'From combat zones to the Situation Room' echo is verbatim across both.

What it does not showA super PAC echoing a candidate's public bio is not by itself proof of coordination, which would be illegal and is not alleged — public bios are fair game for independent expenditures. The finding documents shared messaging, not unlawful coordination. NOTE: the matching phrase appears near the end of the New Politics bio, not as its opening line.

Verify it yourselfCompare the New Politics bio line ('From combat zones to the Situation Room, Cait has always answered the call to lead') against the VoteVets ad opening quoted by City & State ('From combat zones to the Situation Room, she knows where she comes from').

Primary documents cityandstate-votevets-1m-ad.htmlarchivednewpolitics-conley-bio.html

1. www.newpolitics.org/candidates/cait-conley — New Politics bio
2. www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/41380

What the record showsOn March 11, 2026, the FEC Reports Analysis Division sent CAIT FOR NEW YORK treasurer Jeremie McCubbin a formal Request for Additional Information (Image# 202603110300342260), signed by Senior Campaign Finance Analyst Lauren Schleyer, on the committee's October Quarterly Report (07/01/2025-09/30/2025). It states that 'Schedule A supporting Line 12 of your report discloses transfers from "VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund" that appear to be received through joint fundraising efforts. However, "VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund" is not disclosed as a joint fundraising representative on your Statement of Organization,' and asks the committee to amend (citing 11 CFR 102.2(b)(1)(i) and 11 CFR 102.17(b)(2)). The letter warns that 'Failure to adequately respond by the response date noted above could result in an audit or enforcement action' (response due 04/15/2026) and that 'Requests for extensions of time in which to respond will not be considered.' The campaign filed an amended Statement of Organization (Form 1, Image# 202603129837940265) on March 12, 2026 — one day later — adding 'VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund' (PO Box 26430, Tempe AZ 85285) as a joint-fundraising representative.

EvidenceFEC RFAI Image# 202603110300342260 (read verbatim from the disclosure PDF, 2 pages); amended Form 1 Image# 202603129837940265 (read verbatim from the disclosure PDF, page 8 shows VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund as JFR)

Independent corroborationBoth PDFs independently confirm the RFAI text and the cure. The amended Form 1 (pages 7-8) shows VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund added as one of five joint-fundraising representatives, dated 03/12/2026, signed by treasurer McCubbin.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is an FEC notice and a request to cure a disclosure gap — not a finding of a violation, not an audit, and not an enforcement action. As of the data pull, only one RFAI exists for the committee and no MUR (enforcement matter) referencing C00900431 was found.

Verify it yourselfOpen both FEC PDFs at docquery.fec.gov (or the archived copies / Wayback snapshots); confirm the RFAI text quoted above and the before/after joint-fundraising-representative lists. Search fec.gov/data/legal for any MUR referencing committee C00900431.

Primary documents rfai-202603110300342260.pdfform1-amended-202603129837940265.pdf

1. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/260/202603110300342260/202603110300342260.pdf — FEC RFAI letter on Oct Quar
2. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/265/202603129837940265/202603129837940265.pdf — amended Statement of Organi

What the record showsOn April 29, 2026, Conley filed a 90-day disclosure extension request (Filing ID #30027214) pushing her due date from May 15 to August 13, 2026 — roughly seven weeks after the June 23 primary. She ultimately filed her candidate disclosure on May 19, 2026 (Filing ID #10076406), four days after the original deadline and, per the Hudson Valley Digger (David McKay Wilson), 'just hours after' the outlet inquired about the extension request.

EvidenceHouse Clerk Filing ID #30027214 (extension; read locally) — Request Date 04/29/2026, Extension Length 90 days, New Due Date 08/13/2026, Original Due Date 05/15/2026; Filing ID #10076406 (disclosure; read locally) — Filing Date 05/19/2026; Hudson Valley Digger / davidmckaywilson.substack.com, 5/20/2026

Independent corroborationThe extension and disclosure dates are verified verbatim from the two local House Clerk PDFs. The $328,000 income figure and the May 19 filing date in the McKay Wilson headline are independently corroborated by The Intercept (2/9/2026) and a June 2026 web search summary ('$328,000... according to a campaign finance report filed on May 19').

What it does not showWhat it does not show: an extended filing is 'not considered late' under the form's own terms (the extension PDF states verbatim: 'An FD filed under such an extension is not considered late'), so this is a transparency-and-optics question, not a filing violation. The 'hours after we asked' timing is reported by one outlet (Hudson Valley Digger) and the article is paywall-gated — the timing could not be re-confirmed verbatim; confirm against the campaign or the filing timestamps.

Verify it yourselfOpen both House Clerk PDFs (archived copies / Wayback) and compare the extension's August 13 date against the June 23 primary; corroborate the 'hours after we asked' timing against the Hudson Valley Digger account (paywalled) and the filing timestamps, or ask the campaign directly.

Primary documents house-ext-30027214.pdfhouse-fd-10076406.pdf

1. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/30027214.pdf — 90-day extension requ
2. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/10076406.pdf — candidate financial d
3. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/davidson-questions-conley-over-328k — Hudson Valley Digger, 5/20

What the record showsDirect real-estate money to Conley runs about $96,450. Eliot Spitzer netted $7,000 (listed 'REAL ESTATE,' employer 'SELF,' 2025-05-15); his firm Spitzer Enterprises won Landmarks approval to demolish 985 Fifth Avenue (a 46-unit rental building, 6 of them rent-stabilized) and replace it with a ~26-unit luxury condo tower. Jeffrey Gural of GFP Real Estate gave $3,500 and separately gave $5,000 to the Real Estate Board of New York (REBNY) Federal PAC (C00806513). Other CRE donors: David Kaplan (Kaplan Realty) $7,000; Steven Kristel (SGK Realty) $7,000 ($10,500 household with Lisa Kristel $3,500); Martin Berger (Saber) $3,500; Roger Tackeff (Renaissance Properties) $3,500; Gordon DuGan (chairman, INDUS Realty Trust) $1,000; and a Hines cluster. Conley takes no public position on 199A, 1031, or Opportunity Zones, which the One Big Beautiful Bill Act made permanent on 2025-07-04.

Evidencethe donor-network data confirms each donor amount/employer. the cross-giving data: Gural $5,000 to REBNY Federal PAC (C00806513) and $3,500 to AIPAC PAC. the FEC Schedule A data: Spitzer occupation 'REAL ESTATE,' employer 'SELF.' The Real Deal/6sqft/CityRealty/Patch confirm the 985 Fifth Avenue demolition-and-luxury-condo project (Landmarks-approved).

Independent corroborationThe 985 Fifth Avenue project is confirmed by four independent outlets (The Real Deal, 6sqft, CityRealty, Patch), which specify a 46-unit rental (6 rent-stabilized) to be replaced by ~26 luxury condos, with Landmarks approval. Gural's REBNY PAC ($5,000) and AIPAC PAC ($3,500) gifts confirmed in the cross-giving data. Spitzer's 'REAL ESTATE/SELF' occupation confirmed in the raw extract.

What it does not showGural's $5,000 went to REBNY's PAC, not to Conley; a fact about his giving, not his views. The ~$96,450 figure is classification-dependent and separate from Simon's $1.5M super-PAC spending. Jonathan Rose and David Rattner are genuine affordable-housing developers in the same donor set. CORRECTION: 985 Fifth is a 46-unit rental of which only 6 are rent-stabilized -- the original phrasing 'raze a 46-unit rent-stabilized building' overstates; say '46-unit rental (6 rent-stabilized).' The Kristel household nets $10,500 (Steven $7,000 + Lisa $3,500), not $11,000.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov C00900431, search Spitzer, Gural, Kaplan, Kristel, Berger, Tackeff, DuGan; confirm amounts. Confirm Gural's $5,000 to REBNY Federal PAC (C00806513) on fec.gov or in the cross-giving data. Verify the 985 Fifth Avenue condo conversion via The Real Deal (2026-03-14) and 6sqft -- note it is a 46-unit rental with 6 rent-stabilized units. Confirm the OBBBA 199A/1031/OZ permanence (DLA Piper/Brookings).

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431
2. the cross-giving data (Gural $5,000 to REBNY Federal PAC C00806513)
3. therealdeal.com/new-york/2026/03/14/rent-stabilized-tenants-seek-to-stop-spitzers-condo-project/
4. www.6sqft.com/upper-east-side-rental-to-be-razed-and-replaced-with-high-end-condo-from-eliot-spi
5. caitconley.com/policy/

What the record showsVoteVets (C00418897) reported independent expenditures supporting Conley of $508,591.99 at the June 5 pull, now $826,879.67 live, and announced a $1M cable buy now substantiated by actual TV buys (May 26 - June 10, paid to Targeted Platform Media). Its top individual funders are billionaire/establishment money also tied to Conley directly: Deborah Simon $1.5M, Joshua Bekenstein $375K, the Mandels $300K combined, and venture investor David Brenner (Marathon Ventures, Waccabuc NY) $50,000 ($40K + $10K) -- Brenner also gave Conley $7,000 directly. Against that, VoteVets' big institutional checks are union (UA Plumbers & Pipefitters $250,000, Operating Engineers, SMART, CWA-COPE). A Washington Examiner investigation found VoteVets raised ~$31M in 2024 with at least ~$10M from non-veterans, its single largest contributor being House Majority PAC (~$2.7M).

Evidencethe VoteVets donor file (100-of-25,175 sample): Simon $1.5M, Bekenstein $375K, Mandels $150K each, Brenner $40K+$10K, plus UA Plumbers $250K, Operating Engineers $100K, AFT Solidarity $50K. Live Schedule E: VoteVets $826,879.67. Brenner direct to Conley $7,000 (Waccabuc NY, Marathon Ventures) confirmed in the FEC Schedule A data.

Independent corroborationTop VoteVets funders confirmed two ways (live FEC for Simon; local sample for Bekenstein/Mandel/Brenner/unions). Brenner's dual gift confirmed: $7,000 direct to Conley + $50,000 to VoteVets ($40K 2026-04-01 + $10K 2026-02-09). The IE total re-pulled live ($826,879.67) and the TV-buy dates/payees confirmed in the Schedule E detail.

What it does not showThe damning part is the BILLIONAIRE INDIVIDUAL money, not corporate PACs (a ~$20K sliver). The VoteVets donor file is a 100-record SAMPLE of 25,175 receipts. Super-PAC money is legally uncoordinated. CORRECTION: the 'billionaire individuals also tied to Conley directly' framing applies to Simon/Bekenstein/Mandel/Brenner but NOT to all top VoteVets funders -- e.g. Amos Hostetter ($200K) and Frank Armstrong ($275K), both large VoteVets individuals in the sample, are NOT direct Conley donors. NEW: AFT Solidarity ($50K VoteVets donor) is itself now a $150K direct IE spender for Conley.

Verify it yourselfQuery Schedule E for H6NY17171 and sum VoteVets (C00418897) support (~$827K, with the bulk in May 26-June 10 TV buys to Targeted Platform Media). On fec.gov VoteVets Receipts, confirm Simon ($1.5M), Bekenstein ($375K), Mandel ($150K each), Brenner ($40K+$10K), and the union checks (UA Plumbers $250K). Note Armstrong/Hostetter are large VoteVets individuals but NOT Conley direct donors. Read the Washington Examiner VoteVets investigation.

Primary documents the VoteVets donor file_sample_100of25175.jsonschedule_e_supporting_conley_LIVE_2026-06-12.json

1. FEC Schedule E supporting H6NY17171 (VoteVets $826,879.67 live)
2. the VoteVets donor file (Simon $1.5M, Bekenstein $375K, Mandels $300K, Brenner $50K; union + corporate PAC lines)
3. Washington Examiner (VoteVets ~$31M, ~$10M non-veteran, House Majority PAC ~$2.7M)
4. City & State NY (VoteVets $1M ad boost)

What the record showsHidden Level's confirmed federal prime book is $2,999,665 across 5 awards, entirely Department of Defense: a direct Air Force prime 'AIRSPACE MONITORING SERVICE-SUBSCRIPTION-BASED' ($1,624,303, FA238524CB013), an Air Force 'SCALABLE STREAMING DETECTION SERVICES' award ($1,225,207, FA864924P0419), two Air Force SBIRs ($74,983 + $74,672), and a Missile Defense Agency 'SCALABLE HOMELAND INNOVATIVE ENTERPRISE LAYERED DEFENSE (SHIELD)' IDIQ seat with only $500 obligated (HQ085926FG022). It separately won an APFIT rapid-fielding award ($10M, Tactical Passive Radar C-UAS) that does not appear in USASpending. None of this is a DHS/CISA/ICE contract.

EvidenceUSASpending spending_by_award (Hidden Level): 5 awards summing to $2,999,665; FA238524CB013 $1,624,303; FA864924P0419 $1,225,207; FA864923P0112 $74,983; FA864923P0904 $74,672; MDA SHIELD HQ085926FG022 $500.

Independent corroborationLive USASpending API returns exactly 5 Hidden Level prime awards summing to $2,999,665, with the titles/PIIDs/values above; the $500 MDA SHIELD seat and the $1.62M AF prime are both confirmed.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the MDA SHIELD seat is a $500 placeholder on a large ceiling, not a multimillion 'homeland' award — do not inflate it. None of this is DHS/CISA/ICE. The MDA work opened during her paid Hidden Level period but is MDA, not DHS. CORRECTION: the beat said the streaming award is '$1,249,872 per one source' — that $1,249,872 is actually PRIMER's Air Force content-generation award; Hidden Level's streaming award (FA864924P0419) is $1,225,207. Use $1,225,207 for Hidden Level.

Verify it yourselfPOST to USASpending spending_by_award with recipient_search_text 'Hidden Level', award_type_codes A-D; confirm the 5 awards sum to $2,999,665 incl. FA238524CB013 $1,624,303 and MDA SHIELD HQ085926FG022 $500.

1. USASpending.gov / FPDS-NG (Hidden Level awards)
2. DIU / Hidden Level press (APFIT $10M)

What the record showsAbout 27% of Conley's itemized money - roughly $520,000 from about 457 donors reporting 'unemployed,' 'none,' or no occupation - comes from people with no listed job. Per household-cluster analysis, that pattern repeatedly resolves to the non-working spouses of finance principals (for example Sue Mandel's $7,000 beside Steve Mandel of Lone Pine, and Anita Bekenstein's $7,000 beside Joshua Bekenstein of Bain). Mall-REIT heiress Deborah Simon gives $7,000 from suburban Indianapolis, listed 'unemployed.'

EvidenceRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A (dedup): donors with occupation 'unemployed'/'none'/blank = 876 rows / 457 distinct donors / $520,190.60 = 27.4% of itemized. (A strict 'unemployed/none' only match gives 451 donors / $499,440.60 / 26.3%.)

Independent corroborationIndependent recomputation lands at 26.3% (strict) to 27.4% (broad), bracketing the dossier's 27%/$514,696/462 donors. The household-linkage examples (Mandel, Bekenstein, Simon) are documented in the household-clustering data and dossier.

What it does not showThe finance fortune in each household runs through the spouse named at the firm; this is not a claim about the listed donor's own politics or independent wealth. 'Unemployed/none' is a self-reported FEC occupation field. The household linkage for some couples is a strong but inferential read. Exact donor count (462) and dollar figure ($514,696) in the original claim sit between my strict and broad matches - all land at ~27%.

Verify it yourselfFilter dedup Schedule A for C00900431 where contributor_occupation is 'unemployed'/'none'/blank; sum dollars (~$520,191) and count distinct donors (~457). The exact total depends on whether blank-occupation rows are included; both strict and broad matches land at 26-27%.

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. the household-clustering data
3. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Whose District Is It?' section

What the record showsConley reported $2,645,257.86 in receipts and $108,050 from other political committees (PACs) through 3/31/2026. Her nearest local rivals took a tiny fraction of that committee money: as of the original 3/31/2026 filings, Rockland County Legislator Beth Davidson had taken $6,940 in PAC money and Tarrytown village trustee Effie Phillips-Staley $0. Conley's PAC haul is more than an order of magnitude larger than either rival's - and the $108,050 does not count the separate ~$508,592 VoteVets outside spend.

EvidenceFEC candidate-totals data. Conley (H6NY17171, thru 3/31/2026): receipts $2,645,257.86, PAC $108,050. Davidson (H6NY17163, NEWER snapshot thru 6/3/2026): receipts $2,062,800.67, PAC $8,040. Phillips-Staley (H6NY17205, NEWER snapshot thru 6/3/2026): receipts $695,629.17, PAC $1,000.

Independent corroborationConley's $108,050 and $2,645,257.86 confirmed to the penny against the archived candidate totals. Rival snapshots independently confirm direction but supersede the dossier's specific dollar figures.

What it does not showPAC totals here are direct committee contributions only and do not include independent expenditures. Conley's PAC money is leadership/ideological/labor PACs, not for-profit corporate connected PACs. IMPORTANT TIMING MISMATCH: the comparison is cleanest when all three are measured at the same date; Conley's figure is thru 3/31/2026 while the archived rival filings are thru 6/3/2026 (more recent), so rival figures have grown since the original filing.

Verify it yourselfOpen the FEC totals pages for all three candidate IDs and compare the other-committee-contributions lines and total receipts AT A COMMON COVERAGE DATE. Per saved snapshots: Conley PAC $108,050 (3/31/26); Davidson PAC $8,040 and receipts $2,062,800.67 (6/3/26); Phillips-Staley PAC $1,000 and receipts $695,629.17 (6/3/26).

Primary documents fec_davidson_totals_H6NY17163.jsonfec_phillipsstaley_totals_H6NY17205.jsonthe FEC candidate totals

1. FEC H6NY17171: https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/candidate/H6NY17171/totals/?cycle=2026
2. FEC H6NY17163: https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/candidate/H6NY17163/totals/?cycle=2026
3. FEC H6NY17205: https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/candidate/H6NY17205/totals/?cycle=2026
4. Local: research/sources/the-money/fec_davidson_totals_H6NY17163.json
5. Local: research/sources/the-money/fec_phillipsstaley_totals_H6NY17205.json
6. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The Anointed Carpetbagger vs. the Local Field' (lines 402, 424)

What the record showsConley's largest single family bloc is the Dyson real-estate/holding-company dynasty of Dutchess County, netting roughly $42,500. Schedule A shows the cluster - Robert Dyson ($7,000), Christopher Charles Dyson ($7,000), Joy Dyson ($7,000), Benjamin Schwery ($7,000), Molly Dyson-Schwery ($7,000 net), plus Kathe Dyson ($500) - most of it earmarked through ActBlue on the same day, December 23, 2025. Patriarch Robert Dyson chairs a roughly $1B holding company and is a longtime national Democratic donor.

EvidenceRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A (dedup): six Dyson/Schwery donors net $42,500.00; five $7,000 records dated 2025-12-23 (same-day ActBlue earmarks) plus a 2026-01-20 record and Kathe Dyson $500 (2026-03-13). Employer field on the principals is 'Patterson Planning' (Patterson Planning Corporation / Services / & Services Inc.), not 'Dyson-Kissner-Moran.'

Independent corroborationNet $42,500 and the same-day 12/23/2025 earmark pattern reproduce exactly from raw data. The FEC employer field is 'Patterson Planning,' which corroborates a family business but NOT specifically DKM.

What it does not showNone of this is a violation; the standard $3,500-primary / $3,500-redesignation splits net out cleanly. The 'Dyson-Kissner-Moran' descriptor is NOT in the FEC data (the employer field says 'Patterson Planning') and must be confirmed independently via corporate records before publishing. Dutchess County is adjacent to but largely outside NY-17. The two Molly Dyson-Schwery records (12/23 and 1/20) net to $7,000 after the standard redesignation, not $14,000.

Verify it yourselfFilter raw Schedule A for C00900431 on Dyson/Schwery surnames; confirm six donors netting $42,500, the 12/23/2025 same-day ActBlue earmarks, and employer 'Patterson Planning.' Separately confirm the Dyson-Kissner-Moran / ~$1B holding-company affiliation via SEC/corporate records before publishing that descriptor.

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. the cross-giving data
3. DKM: https://www.dkmcorp.com/
4. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, Dyson-family findings

What the record showsPrimer's backers include In-Q-Tel (the CIA's venture arm — a 'Strategic Investment Agreement' announced 2017-10-24), Lux Capital, Addition (Lee Fixel), USIT (Thomas Tull), and Mubadala (Abu Dhabi sovereign, 2018 Series B). Hidden Level's backers include Lockheed Martin Ventures (strategic investment, Sept 2020) and Booz Allen Ventures (three rounds incl. ~$35M Series B 2024 and $65M Series C Feb 2025) — and Hidden Level is simultaneously a subcontractor to Booz Allen under FOCUS II. This is the connective capital binding the cluster.

Evidenceiqt.org announcement (locally saved): title 'Primer Announces Strategic Investment Agreement with In-Q-Tel,' dated October 24, 2017; USASpending (Hidden Level holds DoD awards incl. SHIELD, UTM, OSINT+UAS detection); AINonline 2020 / Hidden Level press (Lockheed Martin Ventures); GovConWire/Crunchbase (Booz Allen Ventures rounds).

Independent corroborationIn-Q-Tel investment independently confirmed via WebSearch (iqt.org library page) and the archived primary; Hidden Level DoD awards confirmed via USASpending API.

What it does not showCorrections preserved: In-Q-Tel made a 'Strategic Investment Agreement,' NOT a 'development agreement' (now verified verbatim from the title); and Lockheed Martin Ventures should NOT be called Hidden Level's 'first institutional investor' (no source supports it). Hidden Level's RF data is 'aligned to,' not 'integrated into,' Booz Allen's platform. These are investor relationships of the firms, not of Conley.

Verify it yourselfOpen the archived copy — title confirms 'Strategic Investment Agreement' and date October 24, 2017. Query USASpending spending_by_award for 'Hidden Level' to confirm DoD award footprint; the Booz Allen FOCUS II subaward specifics live in the contract/surveillance-paycheck beats.

Primary documents iqt-primer-strategic-investment-2017.html

1. iqt.org — 'Primer Announces Strategic Investment Agreement with In-Q-Tel,' October 24, 2017
2. USASpending — Hidden Level DoD awards (SHIELD HQ085926FG022; UTM FA864924P0419; OSINT/UAS FA864923P0904)
3. AINonline 2020 / Hidden Level press — Lockheed Martin Ventures Sept 2020 strategic investment
4. GovConWire / Crunchbase — Booz Allen Ventures in 3 Hidden Level rounds

What the record showsConley's endorsements page lists 'Serve America' among National Organizations but never names Seth Moulton; Serve America PAC features Conley on its candidate page. FEC records show Serve America directly gave CAIT FOR NEW YORK $5,000 (11/20/2025) and acted as conduit for $5,500 more in earmarked individual gifts (Joseph Alsop $3,500; Christiane Alsop $2,000). Moulton became a flashpoint on the party's left after telling the NYT in November 2024 he didn't want his daughters 'getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete'; a top aide resigned and he said the backlash 'proves my point.' At the May 30, 2026 Massachusetts Democratic convention, Ed Markey beat Moulton 73%–27% for the party endorsement.

Evidencecaitconley.com/endorsements (re-fetched 6/2026): 'Serve America' listed under National Organizations; 'Seth Moulton' appears nowhere on the page. WGBH 5/30/2026 confirms verbatim: 'Ed Markey commandingly won the endorsement... receiving 73 percent of the vote... compared to 27 percent for his challenger, U.S. Rep. Seth Moulton.' Moulton NYT quote confirmed via WaPo/WBUR/The Hill: 'I have two little girls, I don't want them getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete, but as a Democrat I'm supposed to be afraid to say that.' The Hill headline confirms 'backlash... proves my point.' the itemized-individual data confirms Joseph Alsop $3,500 (6/27/2025) and Christiane Alsop $2,000 conduit.

Independent corroborationEndorsements page (re-fetched), WGBH (re-fetched, 73-27 verbatim), and The Hill + WBUR + Advocate + Axios (search) all corroborate the Moulton storyline. FEC the itemized-individual data and the PAC-transfer data corroborate the Alsop conduit gifts.

What it does not showNOTUS reports Moulton maintained Transgender Bill of Rights cosponsorship and by November 2025 said he understood why his words hurt people. The conduit pass-throughs ($5,500) must not be double-counted as PAC money; Serve America's own treasury gave $5,000. CORRECTION: the verbatim MassEquality phrase 'harmful and factually inaccurate' could not be confirmed; MassEquality's documented objection (via NOTUS) was specifically to the 'male or formerly male' phrasing as stigmatizing — use that framing, not the unverified verbatim quote. The Christiane Alsop gift is dated 2/18/2026 as an individual contribution (the 2/24/2026 date is the Serve America conduit transfer date).

Verify it yourselfFetch caitconley.com/endorsements and search for 'Moulton' (absent) and 'Serve America' (present); pull FEC C00571174 disbursements to CAIT FOR NEW YORK; read the WGBH and The Hill stories.

Primary documents caitconley-endorsements.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/endorsements/ — Conley endorsements page
2. serveamericapac.com/caitconley — Serve America candidate page
3. FEC committee C00571174 (Serve America PAC) — disbursements
4. www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/11/13/moulton-transgender-comments-democratic-party/ — Wash
5. www.wgbh.org/news/politics/2026-05-30/in-contested-us-senate-race-markey-beats-moulton-for-endor
6. thehill.com/homenews/house/4983818-moulton-doubles-down-on-transgender-athletes-comments-backlas

What the record showsSalon reports the Hell Cats were inspired by the 2018 wave of Democratic women veterans and former national-security officials — Elissa Slotkin, Abigail Spanberger, Chrissy Houlahan, Mikie Sherrill and Elaine Luria — who flipped seats in 2018. That cohort now funds its successors directly: Conley's FEC filings show $2,500 from Houlahan's leadership PAC (HOULAPAC) and $2,000 from Chrissy Houlahan for Congress.

EvidenceSalon 2/12/2026 (re-fetched): 'inspired by the wave of Democratic women veterans and former national security officials — Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, Abigail Spanberger of Virginia, Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania, Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey and Elaine Luria of Virginia — who ran for Congress in 2018 and flipped seats.' the PAC-transfer data confirms HOULAPAC $2,500 (2025-12-30) and CHRISSY HOULAHAN FOR CONGRESS $2,000 (2026-03-31).

Independent corroborationSalon (re-fetched) confirms the 2018-cohort framing; the PAC-transfer data independently confirms both Houlahan contributions.

What it does not showSlotkin and Spanberger are genuinely ex-CIA; Conley, Bennett, Sullivan, and Mendoza are national-security/military, not CIA. The 'CIA Democrats' label is a left-critique lens, not a neutral descriptor. CORRECTION: the 2018-cohort inspiration is stated by Salon's narrator, NOT as a direct quote attributed to Rebecca Bennett — do not present it as a Bennett quote.

Verify it yourselfSearch Conley's FEC Schedule A for 'HOULAPAC' and 'Houlahan for Congress'; read the Salon passage on the 2018 inspiration. Confirm via search on the PAC-transfer data.

Primary documents conley-pac-the underlying data

1. www.salon.com/2026/02/12/meet-the-hell-cats-a-key-to-democrats-hopes-of-taking-the-house-partner
2. FEC, CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431) Schedule A — HOULAPAC + Houlahan for Congress contributions

What the record showsRep. Pat Ryan (NY-18) endorsed Conley on January 16, 2026 and is the most co-funded real candidate in her donor network: 36 of her donors also gave to Pat Ryan for Congress, routing a combined ~$214,500 to Conley and $183,100 to Ryan. From 2009–2011 Ryan worked at Berico Technologies, a Palantir subcontractor in Afghanistan. Berico, Palantir, and HBGary Federal formed 'Team Themis,' solicited by law firm Hunton & Williams for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Bank of America; leaked emails contemplated targeting unions (SEIU, Change to Win), MoveOn, and the Center for American Progress. Per The Intercept, Ryan was on the initial email thread on 10/19/2010 discussing the idea and said it 'sounded like a great opportunity.'

EvidenceThe Intercept 2/22/2018 (re-fetched): confirms 'The three firms called their proposal Team Themis,' targeting of 'MoveOn.org, the Service Employees International Union, the labor coalition Change to Win, and the Center for American Progress,' and that Ryan 'was on the initial email thread on October 19, 2010, discussing the idea' and 'said it sounded like a great opportunity.' FEC the cross-giving data (recomputed): exactly 36 donors gave to both Conley (C00900431) and Pat Ryan (C00815290), routing $214,500 to Conley and $183,100 to Ryan.

Independent corroborationThe Intercept (re-fetched) confirms Team Themis, the targets, the 10/19/2010 thread, and the 'great opportunity' quote. FEC the cross-giving data (recomputed) confirms 36 shared donors and the Ryan $183,100 figure exactly.

What it does not showConley's tie is one step removed: she was never part of Team Themis and has no Berico/Palantir employment. The link to Ryan is a public endorsement and a shared donor base, both legal and common. After the 2011 Anonymous hack exposed Team Themis, Palantir CEO Alex Karp publicly apologized and Palantir and Berico disavowed the proposal. CORRECTIONS: (1) the cited Intercept piece does NOT use the title 'deputy director' for Ryan's Berico role — drop that title unless sourced elsewhere; (2) the verbatim phrases 'a complete intelligence solution' and 'social media exploitation' are NOT direct Ryan quotes in this Intercept piece — use only the confirmed 'sounded like a great opportunity'; (3) Glenn Greenwald as a named target is from the 2011 Salon coverage, not confirmed verbatim in this 2018 Intercept piece; (4) the routed-to-Conley figure is $214,500 by recomputation (the $215,541 in the draft is ~$1,000 off and should be reconciled to $214,500).

Verify it yourselfRead the Intercept 2018 piece (search 'October 19, 2010' and 'great opportunity'); recompute shared-donor counts from the cross-giving data intersecting C00900431 and C00815290.

1. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/exclusive-pat-ryan-endorses-cait — Pat Ryan endorsement
2. theintercept.com/2018/02/22/patrick-ryan-congress-berico-dataminr/ — The Intercept on Ryan and T
3. www.salon.com/2011/02/15/palantir/ — Salon, Team Themis (Greenwald target)
4. FEC the cross-giving data; the donor-network data — 36 shared Conley/Ryan donors

What the record showsJessica Reinmann (Chappaqua nonprofit founder, first Democrat to enter NY-17) suspended her campaign 11/12/2025 and endorsed Conley as 'by far the strongest candidate in this race.' Her fundraising consultant Jacqueline Mishler moved onto Conley's payroll (~$12,250 from January 2026) and is the only vendor the two campaigns share. The Reinmann couple (Jessica and Adam, a Wendel investor) each maxed out to Conley at $3,500 on November 10 — two days before she quit — with the couple totaling ~$14,131 across the cycle.

EvidenceJewish Insider 11/2025 (re-fetched): Reinmann said Conley is 'by far the strongest candidate in this race'; field of 8 dropped to 7 after her withdrawal. the disbursement data: MISHLER, JACQUELINE B. paid $5,250 (1/7) + $3,500 (2/11) + $3,500 (3/10) = $12,250 by Conley. the itemized-individual data: REINMANN, ADAM $3,500 and REINMANN, JESSICA $3,500 both 2025-11-10; couple cycle total ~$14,131 (Jessica $7,131 + Adam $7,000). FEC committee C00894956 totals (fresh pull): candidate_contribution $115,000 + candidate loans $120,000 = $235,000 self-funding.

Independent corroborationJewish Insider (re-fetched) confirms the endorsement quote and the field shrinking 8->7. FEC committee totals (fresh pull) confirm the $235K self-funding. Mishler payments and Reinmann gifts confirmed in local FEC exports.

What it does not showNone of this proves a deal. Reinmann tied her exit publicly to the federal shutdown and a return to her nonprofit; no source reports pressure or coordination. None of her ~$235K self-funding went to Conley. The defensible frame is consolidation, not collusion. CORRECTION: Adam Reinmann is listed on FEC as 'Wendel / INVESTOR' — do not call him a 'retired private-equity chief' (unverified). The ~$14,131 is the Jessica+Adam cycle aggregate, not solely the Nov 10 gifts ($7,000 that day).

Verify it yourselfCompare Mishler payments across both committees' FEC Schedule B; intersect the two Schedule A donor files; pull C00894956 totals (candidate_contribution + loans = $235,000); read the Jewish Insider endorsement quote.

Primary documents fec-reinmann-C00894956-totals-2026.json

1. jewishinsider.com/2025/11/cait-conley-beth-davidson-mike-lawler-democratic-primary-new-york/ — J
2. FEC committee C00894956 (Reinmann) totals — $235,000 self-funding
3. the disbursement data (Mishler payments); the itemized-individual data (Reinmann gifts)

What the record showsCAIT FOR NEW YORK's FEC reports show donations from the network that credentialed and employed her: Robby Mook (D3P co-founder, Clinton 2016 manager) gave $2,200 aggregate ($2,000 + $200); Eric Rosenbach (Belfer co-director, D3P co-founder, listed 'HARVARD'/'PROF') gave $1,000 on 5/29/2025; Alexis McLaughlin ('BOOZ ALLEN VENTURES / INVESTOR') gave $1,000 on her 3/24/2025 announcement day; Todd Akers ('PRIMER AI') gave $250 on 6/6/2025; and Antoinett Dufort ('HIDDEN LEVEL,' 'EXECUTIVE') gave $20 on 9/18/2025. Booz Allen Ventures backs Hidden Level — one of Conley's two private paymasters.

Evidencethe itemized-individual data (re-checked): MOOK, ROBERT $2,000 (2025-03-17) + $200 (2025-06-30) = $2,200; ROSENBACH, ERIC $1,000 (2025-05-29, HARVARD/PROF); MCLAUGHLIN, ALEXIS $1,000 (2025-03-24, BOOZ ALLEN VENTURES/INVESTOR); AKERS, TODD $250 (2025-06-06, PRIMER AI/IT); DUFORT, ANTOINETT $20 (2025-09-18, HIDDEN LEVEL/EXECUTIVE).

Independent corroborationAll five donors and their listed employers confirmed verbatim in the itemized-individual data (the deduped FEC Schedule A export).

What it does not showThese are individuals listing those employers, not corporate PACs. McLaughlin's exact role at Booz Allen Ventures and the seniority of Akers/Dufort are record-pull leads, not established facts. The donations are legal and disclosed. CORRECTION: Mook's $2,000 gift is dated 3/17/2025 in the FEC export, not 3/23/2025; the 'day before her launch' framing should be reconciled to the actual gift date (or stated as the ActBlue earmark/processing-date nuance). Dufort also gave $250 on 5/14/2025 listing 'Welch Allyn'; only the Hidden Level gift is cited here.

Verify it yourselfSearch Conley's FEC Schedule A by donor name and employer for Mook, Rosenbach, McLaughlin (Booz Allen Ventures), Akers (Primer AI), and Dufort (Hidden Level); search the itemized-individual data.

1. FEC, CAIT FOR NEW YORK (C00900431) Schedule A — individual contributions from Mook, Rosenbach, McLaughlin, Akers, Dufort
2. the itemized-individual data

What the record showsConley took the CISA election-security portfolio (Senior Advisor) around June 30, 2023 and served into 2025. Her financial disclosures then show roughly $328,000 in income from the defense-AI/surveillance industry — Hidden Level (salary plus consulting) and Primer. An earlier report (#10068477, period 1/1/2024–7/14/2025) lists $68,000 from Hidden Level (salary) plus $12,500 from Primer (consulting) — more than $80,000 — within a window that overlaps her CISA tenure, raising an unresolved question of whether any portion was paid during her government service.

EvidenceCISA leadership bio; Washington Times 6/30/2023; House Clerk #10068477 (Hidden Level $68,000 + Primer $12,500, period 1/1/2024–7/14/2025, read locally) and #10076406 (cumulative Hidden Level/Primer income, read locally)

Independent corroborationThe $68,000 Hidden Level + $12,500 Primer figures for the 1/1/2024–7/14/2025 window are verified verbatim from #10068477 AND independently corroborated word-for-word by The Intercept (2/9/2026): 'Between January 2024 and July 2025, Conley earned $68,000 from Hidden Level' and '$12,500 for her consulting work' for Primer, 'more than $80,000' total. The June-30-2023 CISA appointment is corroborated by the Washington Times (archived 2023-07-01) and the CISA leadership bio (archived Dec 2024 / Jan 2025).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the $68,000/$12,500 figures are cumulative 'Current Year to Filing' amounts in a multi-year window and do NOT by themselves establish payment during office — they frame an unresolved timeline only. Moving from government to the private sector is legal; post-employment restrictions (18 U.S.C. 207) restrict lobbying back, not private-sector work, and no violation is alleged. Per The Intercept, the campaign 'would not say' when the relationships began and Conley is not required to disclose prior-year salaries. The resolving records (acquisition/payment dates) are not yet public. CORRECTION applied: the earlier-report Primer figure is $12,500 (not $35,000); the $35,000 is the cumulative Primer total on the later #10076406.

Verify it yourselfCompare the CISA tenure (June 30, 2023 into 2025) against the income windows on #10068477 (1/1/2024–7/14/2025) and #10076406; FOIA CISA/DHS ethics for her OGE 278e and any post-employment ethics agreement to pin down payment dates. Confirm the $68,000/$12,500 figures against The Intercept.

Primary documents house-fd-10068477.pdfhouse-fd-10076406.pdf

1. www.cisa.gov/about/leadership/cait-conley — CISA Senior Advisor role
2. www.washingtontimes.com/news/2023/jun/30/army-combat-veteran-to-take-over-key-election-secu/ — J
3. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2025/10068477.pdf — Hidden Level $68,000
4. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/10076406.pdf — cumulative Hidden Lev
5. theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/ — independent corroboration of

What the record showsA large share of all itemized individual money - on the order of one-third to 42% - flows from a ring of the richest enclaves in America: Manhattan and Brooklyn, the San Francisco Bay and Sand Hill Road, Greenwich, Boston, and Jackson Hole. That enclave share is several times the in-district share. Garnishes include a single $7,000 check from the Act-60 crypto tax haven of Dorado, Puerto Rico.

EvidenceIndependent reconstructions of the enclave cluster: a by-city sum of named enclaves = $624,863.73 (32.9% of itemized); a broader enclave-ZIP-prefix cluster = $645,665.23 (34.0%). The dossier's 42% uses a still-broader analyst-defined ZIP set. Dorado, PR $7,000 (Stephen Wiggins) confirmed in raw Schedule A.

Independent corroborationTwo independent cluster reconstructions (32.9% by city, 34.0% by ZIP prefix) bracket the lower bound; Dorado PR $7,000 confirmed in raw data.

What it does not showThe 'enclave' grouping is an analyst-defined set of wealthy areas, not an official FEC category, so the headline 42% depends on the cluster definition - my independent reconstructions land at 33-34%, so 42% is at the high end of plausible cluster definitions and the defensible floor is ~one-third. The 'about three times the in-district share' comparison holds at either figure. Wealthy donors giving to a national candidate is legal and common; the point is concentration relative to the district.

Verify it yourselfDefine the enclave ZIP/city set, aggregate dedup Schedule A for C00900431 against it, and compare the resulting share to the in-district share. A defensible floor (named enclave cities) is ~33%; broader ZIP clusters reach the dossier's 42%. Confirm the Dorado PR $7,000 by filtering contributor_state=='PR'.

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'Whose District Is It?' section
3. Act 60 / Dorado PR: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cryptocurrencies_in_Puerto_Rico

What the record showsConley's policy page promises 'Reining in ICE… restoring accountability' and 'Revoking 287g agreements.' The Intercept (2/9/2026) reports that Hidden Level's data is used in Palantir's Maven platform (which won a $480M Pentagon contract) and that Primer advertises AI platforms that 'support DHS missions.' Both firms paid her recently (per her OGE 278e). The documented tension is between her immigration-enforcement-restraint platform and recent income from companies adjacent to the DHS/defense-AI ecosystem she now campaigns to constrain.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy (ICE/287g language — verbatim 'Reining in ICE' and '287g agreements' confirmed in saved HTML); The Intercept 2/9/2026 (saved locally; Hidden Level data in Palantir Maven, $480M Maven contract, Primer 'support DHS missions'); OGE 278e #10076406.

Independent corroborationThe Intercept reporting (saved locally, 40 hits on Hidden Level/Maven/DHS/Palantir) is corroborated by Politico's parallel reporting (referenced in WebSearch results) and by PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md, which independently verifies the exculpatory side (zero DHS contracts) via USASpending/FPDS pulls.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: that Hidden Level or Primer holds any ICE or CBP contract, or that she steered any contract. PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md establishes 'NO confirmed DHS/CBP/ICE contract exists for Primer by any route. Zero... $0 obligated' — Primer's entire confirmed federal footprint is DoD. CISA itself bought $0 from Hidden Level and Primer. Conley denies working for Palantir and denies working with ICE. The documented link is DHS-mission marketing and the Palantir/Maven Pentagon connection — not a paycheck from ICE. The defensible charge is adjacency and concealment of the work, never contract-steering.

Verify it yourselfRead the ICE/287g language in the archived copy and the cited Intercept reporting (saved intercept-conley-palantir.html). For the contract question, PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md documents the USASpending.gov/SAM.gov/FPDS pulls (FY2023-2026) showing zero ICE/CBP/DHS Primer contracts.

Primary documents intercept-conley-palantir.htmlarchivedcaitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy — 'Reining in ICE,' 'Revoking 287g agreements'
2. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 — Hidden Level data in Palantir Maven; Primer 'support DHS missions'
3. OGE Form 278e #10076406 (Hidden Level + Primer income)
4. PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md — zero confirmed Primer DHS/CBP/ICE contracts ($0 obligated)

What the record showsIn 2024, AIPAC's super PAC United Democracy Project — with allied groups including DMFI — spent roughly $14.5M against Rep. Jamaal Bowman in adjacent NY-16 (Westchester): UDP spent ~$9.9M to oppose Bowman and ~$4.8M to support George Latimer, the most a single group has ever spent on a House race. The same network of pro-Israel money that defeated a conditioning candidate one district over has now filed its first independent expenditure (the DMFI $381.82 IE) backing Conley, who has taken the anti-conditioning lane.

EvidenceTimes of Israel ('AIPAC leads unprecedented $14.5 million campaign against Bowman') and FactCheck.org (UDP $9.9M oppose / $4.8M support split); FEC Schedule E for C00900431 (DMFI $381.82 IE).

Independent corroborationTimes of Israel headline and FactCheck.org both confirm the $14.5M UDP figure and the $9.9M/$4.8M split; Truthout and Democracy Now independently report the record-setting spend. The NY-17 DMFI IE is confirmed in Schedule E.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: that the same scale of spending will occur in NY-17. The only confirmed pro-Israel-network IE in NY-17 to date is the $381.82 DMFI expenditure; the parallel to NY-16 is context and inference, not a forecast. The '~$25M total outside spending in NY-16' figure is a softer aggregate (one source cites ~$18M across three PACs including FairShake; the most-expensive-House-primary characterization is well supported). Per guardrails: Conley holds no Palantir/Anduril corporate money; the connection here is to pro-Israel PAC spending, not to the defense-AI firms in her income disclosure. The 'DMFI 2024 outside spending $4,613,993' OpenSecrets figure was not independently re-pulled.

Verify it yourselfConfirm the 2024 NY-16 UDP/DMFI figures via Times of Israel (archived 20250723204447) and FactCheck.org ($9.9M oppose / $4.8M support = $14.5M). Track FEC Schedule E for C00900431, DMFI PAC, and UDP through the June 23 primary for any new NY-17 spending.

1. Times of Israel / FactCheck.org (2024) — UDP/AIPAC ~$14.5M against Bowman ($9.9M oppose / $4.8M support Latimer)
2. OpenSecrets — DMFI 2024-cycle outside spending (~$4.6M, not re-pulled)
3. FEC Schedule E, C00900431 — DMFI $381.82 IE backing Conley

What the record showsAfter rival Beth Davidson attacked Conley over $328,000 in AI/drone income, campaign manager Emily Goldson responded that Davidson 'still has thousands invested in Oracle, a company that has active contracts with DHS and ICE' and that Davidson 'traded hundreds of thousands of dollars of stocks for drug companies, health insurance companies, and oil and gas companies.' By that campaign-set logic — owning the stock of a DHS/ICE contractor is disqualifying — Conley's own $15,001–$50,000 in NVIDIA and $15,001–$50,000 in AMD (chips that feed the surveillance pipeline her former employer Hidden Level connects to) invite the identical question.

EvidenceGoldson quote via Hudson Valley Digger, 5/20/2026 (paywalled — not re-confirmed verbatim); Conley holdings on #10076406 (verified locally); The Intercept, 2/9/2026 on the Hidden Level / Palantir Maven surveillance pipeline (verified)

Independent corroborationThe Conley NVDA/AMD holdings are verified verbatim from #10076406. The Davidson attack and the Palantir-partner framing are corroborated by Yonkers Times (5/20/2026). A separate web-search summary attributes a different Goldson quote (defending Conley's CISA/consulting work), so the specific 'Oracle/DHS/ICE' wording remains single-source pending the debate transcript.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is a self-imposed-standard / consistency point, not a legal conflict. The Goldson 'Oracle / DHS and ICE' quote currently traces to the paywalled McKay Wilson piece (which WebFetch could not penetrate) and the April 9, 2026 Manhattanville debate — confirm against the debate transcript or a direct campaign statement before printing verbatim. Conley herself denies the underlying surveillance charge: per Yonkers Times she stated 'I do not work for and have never worked for Palantir. I do not work with Trump's despicable immigration enforcement.'

Verify it yourselfConfirm the Goldson 'Oracle/DHS/ICE' quote against the April 9, 2026 Manhattanville debate transcript or a direct campaign statement (the Substack is paywalled); then place it beside Conley's own NVDA/AMD lines on #10076406. Keep Conley's Palantir/ICE denial in the same passage.

Primary documents house-fd-10076406.pdf

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/davidson-questions-conley-over-328k — Goldson 'Oracle / DHS and
2. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/10076406.pdf — Conley NVDA/AMD holdi
3. theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/ — Hidden Level / Palantir Mave
4. yonkerstimes.com/beth-davidson-goes-negative-on-cait-conley-democratic-primary-for-ny-17-june-23

What the record showsFEC Schedule A shows a single Dyson family/business cluster netting about $42,500, most of it earmarked through ActBlue on 2025-12-23: Robert Dyson (chairman/CEO, Patterson Planning) $7,000; Christopher Charles Dyson $7,000; Joy Dyson $7,000; Benjamin Schwery $7,000; Molly Dyson-Schwery $7,000 net (she gave $14,000 gross across two name spellings, with $7,000 refunded 2026-03-16); plus Kathe Dyson $500. Patriarch Robert Dyson chairs the Dyson-Kissner-Moran holding company (Dutchess County) and is a national Democratic hub with $1,675,500 in total federal giving (including $310,100 to the DSCC and $250,000 to Senate Majority PAC).

Evidencethe donor-network data confirms each Dyson at $7,000 (Robert/Patterson Planning, Christopher Charles, Joy, Benjamin Schwery), Molly Dyson-Schwery $14,000 gross/$7,000 net, Kathe $500. the cross-giving data: Robert Dyson total federal giving sums to exactly $1,675,500 incl. DSCC $310,100 and SMP $250,000.

Independent corroborationRobert Dyson's $1,675,500 aggregate was computed line-by-line from the cross-giving data (24 committees), matching the claim exactly, including the $7,000 to Cait for New York. The cluster amounts match the donor-network data. The Dyson-Kissner-Moran / Patterson Planning identity is documented in the itemized bundle breakdown and the network analysis.

What it does not showNone of this is a violation; the standard $3,500-primary/$3,500-redesignation splits net out cleanly. The 'Dyson-Kissner-Moran' descriptor is corroborated by the repo digests as the family holding company; the precise net of the cluster is ~$35,500-$42,500 depending on whether the Schwery household and Kathe are folded in (the itemized bundle breakdown puts the family at ~$35,500; the broader cluster incl. Benjamin Schwery is ~$42,500).

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov open Cait for New York (C00900431) Receipts, search 'Dyson' and 'Schwery' -- confirm the 2025-12-23 ActBlue earmarks and the Molly Dyson-Schwery $7,000 refund (2026-03-16). Verify Robert Dyson's aggregate via OpenSecrets or by summing his FEC committee gifts (the cross-giving data lists all 24).

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 (Dyson cluster, 2025-12-23)
2. the donor-network data
3. the cross-giving data (Robert Dyson $1,675,500 total federal giving)
4. dkmcorp.com (Dyson-Kissner-Moran)

What the record showsExactly 36 of Conley's donors also wrote checks to Pat Ryan for Congress (C00815290), making Ryan the most co-funded real candidate in her network. Those 36 shared donors routed a combined ~$214,500 to Conley and $183,100 to Ryan. The roster is the finance spine flagged throughout: Joshua and Anita Bekenstein (Bain), Steve and Sue Mandel (Lone Pine), William Derrough (Moelis), Eliot Spitzer, and the Dysons. Ryan, who endorsed Conley on 2026-01-16, is the neighboring NY-18 incumbent.

Evidencethe cross-giving data: exactly 36 edges to C00815290 (Pat Ryan for Congress), summing to $183,100 on the Ryan side; the same 36 donors sum to $214,500 on the Conley (C00900431) side.

Independent corroborationRecomputed independently from the cross-giving data: 36 distinct donors give to C00815290 totaling exactly $183,100; the same 36 give $214,500 to Conley. The Ryan side matches the claim exactly; the Conley side is within $1,041.

What it does not showA shared donor spine is legal, common, and revealing -- not coordination. No quid pro quo is alleged. MINOR: the Conley-side total computes to $214,500 from the cross-giving data vs. the finding's $215,541 (a ~$1,041 delta, likely from an ActBlue conduit rounding line); substantively confirmed.

Verify it yourselfSearch the cross-giving data for committee C00815290 -- count the rows (36) and sum column 5 ($183,100). Then sum those donors' C00900431 rows ($214,500). On fec.gov, spot-check shared names (Bekenstein, Mandel, Spitzer, Dyson) against both Pat Ryan for Congress (C00815290) and Cait for New York (C00900431).

1. the cross-giving data / the cross-giving data (36 shared donors)
2. FEC Pat Ryan for Congress C00815290
3. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431

What the record showsThomas Hendrix, managing partner of defense-venture firm Decisive Point (which helps dual-use/defense startups win Pentagon contracts), wrote Conley $3,500 on 2025-03-24 (her announcement day) and also gave $7,000 to House Appropriations Republican Chuck Fleischmann (R-TN-03). The defense-venture cluster also includes Second Front Systems founder Peter Dixon ($7,000), In-Q-Tel partner Catherine Gray ($1,000; the CIA's venture arm), Booz Allen Ventures investor Alexis McLaughlin ($1,000), and MITRE analyst Talia Gifford ($4,000).

Evidencethe donor-network data confirms Hendrix $3,500/Decisive Point, Dixon $7,000/Second Front, Gray $1,000/In-Q-Tel, McLaughlin $1,000/Booz Allen Ventures, Gifford $4,000/MITRE. Live FEC: Hendrix gave Chuck Fleischmann for Congress $3,500 (2025-04-03) + $3,500 (2026-01-13) = $7,000.

Independent corroborationEvery cluster member's amount and firm verified in the donor-network data. Hendrix's $7,000 to Fleischmann verified live on the FEC API ($3,500 + $3,500 to Chuck Fleischmann for Congress). The launch-day timing (2025-03-24) matches the campaign announcement.

What it does not showThese are lawful contributions and prove no quid pro quo; the defense-venture 'throughline' is a thematic network observation, NOT a statement about any donor's politics or any Conley vote. The published voice must stay on donor provenance and never imply her defense-AI income steered or was steered by these contributions -- keep the exculpatory caveat explicit. NOTE: the donor-network data lists Hendrix's residence as Cold Spring NY (in-district, NY-17), while the firm Decisive Point is Beacon NY-based; both can be true.

Verify it yourselfOn fec.gov C00900431, search Hendrix (Thomas, $3,500, 2025-03-24), Dixon (Peter, $7,000), Gray (Catherine, $1,000), McLaughlin (Alexis, $1,000), Gifford (Talia, $4,000). Search Hendrix's name nationally to find the $7,000 to Chuck Fleischmann for Congress. Verify firm roles via decisivepoint.com, secondfront.com, and In-Q-Tel.

1. FEC Schedule A, Cait for New York C00900431 (Hendrix $3,500 2025-03-24; Dixon $7,000; Gray $1,000; McLaughlin $1,000; Gifford $4,000)
2. FEC (Hendrix $7,000 to Chuck Fleischmann R-TN-03)
3. the donor-network data
4. decisivepoint.com

What the record showsVoteVets, Conley's single largest outside backer, is overwhelmingly labor-funded. Its big checks are union: UA Union Plumbers & Pipefitters VOTE! PAC $250,000, Operating Engineers $175,000 ($100K EARN + $75K EPEC), Sheet Metal/SMART $25,000, plus CWA-COPE, NTEU, and Rural Letter Carriers at $5,000 each. Its entire corporate-PAC presence in the sample is exactly $20,000 — Pfizer Inc. PAC, Humana Inc. PAC, Elevance Health PAC, and Charter Communications PAC at $5,000 apiece. A Washington Examiner investigation found VoteVets raised roughly $31M in the 2024 cycle with at least ~$10M from non-veteran sources, its single largest contributor being House Majority PAC (~$2.7M), and characterized it as 'bankrolled by millions from Democratic establishment and Big Labor.' The damning element is the billionaire individual money (Simon, Bekenstein, the Mandels), not the corporate-PAC share.

Evidencethe VoteVets donor file: union line items verified (Plumbers $250K, EARN $100K, EPEC $75K, SMART $25K, CWA-COPE/NTEU/Rural Letter Carriers $5K each) and corporate-PAC total computed to exactly $20,000 (Pfizer/Humana/Elevance/Charter, $5K each); Washington Examiner investigation (~$31M, ~$10M non-veteran, House Majority PAC ~$2.7M).

Independent corroborationDonor file (line items) and Washington Examiner investigation (aggregate sourcing) independently confirm the labor-majority / minimal-corporate-PAC structure.

What it does not showClaiming VoteVets is corporate- or pharma-funded would be false and self-discrediting: corporate-PAC money is only ~$20K against >$500K from building trades. The donor file is a 100-record sample of 25,175 receipts; the named six-figure labor checks and four corporate PACs are present and verified but not the complete universe.

Verify it yourself1) In the VoteVets donor file: confirm UA Plumbers & Pipefitters $250K, EARN (Operating Engineers) $100K, EPEC $75K, SMART/Sheet Metal $25K, CWA-COPE/NTEU/Rural Letter Carriers $5K each; sum Pfizer+Humana+Elevance+Charter PACs = $20,000. 2) Read the Washington Examiner investigation: ~$31M raised 2024, ~$10M from non-veterans, House Majority PAC ~$2.7M largest contributor, labor/Democratic-PAC funded.

Primary documents fec-votevets-donors-sample100.jsonwashingtonexaminer-votevets-bankrolled.htmlarchivedcityandstate-votevets-1m-buy.htmlarchived

1. the VoteVets donor file
2. www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/investigations/3273269/veteran-pac-bankrolled-democratic-establi · archived
3. www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/41380 · archived

What the record showsBeyond its independent expenditures (now $826,879.67 reported), VoteVets also contributed $5,000 directly to Conley's campaign committee (C00900431) on 6/18/2025. The same outfit thus shows up as both a direct donor and the candidate's largest single source of outside spending. (Separately, the related VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund joint-fundraising committee transferred additional itemized amounts to the campaign — $3,869.62 and $757 on 9/30/2025, $14,036.16 and $3,715.40 on 12/11/2025.)

EvidenceConley Schedule A (the FEC Schedule A data): VOTEVETS $5,000 direct (6/18/2025, Portland OR); plus VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund JF transfers (Tempe AZ). FEC Schedule E for the IEs.

Independent corroborationFEC Schedule A (direct $5,000) and Schedule E (IEs) independently document VoteVets in both roles.

What it does not showThe direct $5,000 (a capped, coordinated contribution) and the independent expenditures (uncoordinated) are distinct legal categories and must not be merged. The Hellcat Victory Fund transfers are joint-fundraising proceeds, a third distinct category — tied to the disclosure-gap finding.

Verify it yourself1) FEC C00900431 Schedule A: search VOTEVETS → $5,000 direct contribution 6/18/2025 (Portland OR). 2) Same search shows VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund JF transfers (Tempe AZ). 3) FEC Schedule E shows the separate, uncoordinated IEs.

Primary documents fec-votevets-scheduleE-conley-LIVE-20260612.json

1. FEC Schedule A, committee C00900431 (the FEC Schedule A data)
2. FEC Schedule E C00418897

What the record showsWithin VoteVets' individual funding, Deborah Simon's $1,500,000 stands exactly 4.0x above the next-largest individual contributor, Bain Capital co-chair Joshua Bekenstein at $375,000. Behind them: Stephen and Susan Mandel at $300,000 combined ($150,000 each) and David Brenner at $50,000. The super PAC airing Conley's ads is, on the individual-donor side, top-heavy with a small cluster of finance fortunes.

Evidencethe VoteVets donor file: Simon $1.5M, Bekenstein $375K (single 4/28/2026 gift), Mandel $150K x2, Brenner $40K+$10K. Ratio 1,500,000/375,000 = 4.0x.

Independent corroborationSame FEC donor file; ranking is internally self-corroborating from the line items.

What it does not showFigures from the sampled VoteVets donor file; named six-figure entries verified, sample not the full universe. These are general gifts to VoteVets, not money earmarked for Conley. Note: on a raw aggregate-by-name basis a few donors top $200K across multiple gifts (Armstrong $275K, Hostetter $200K), but Bekenstein's $375K is both the largest single gift and the largest per-donor aggregate after Simon, so '4x next-largest individual' holds either way.

Verify it yourself1) FEC C00418897 Schedule A, sort individual contributions by amount: Simon $1.5M, then Bekenstein $375K, Mandel $150K each, Brenner $50K. 2) Compute 1,500,000/375,000 = 4.0x.

Primary documents fec-votevets-donors-sample100.json

1. FEC VoteVets C00418897; the VoteVets donor file

What the record showsDeborah Simon is the daughter of Melvin Simon, who co-founded Simon Property Group — the largest mall owner in the United States — with his brother Herbert. She worked at SPG for roughly 25 years, rising from assistant to senior vice president, before leaving in 1996 to establish the Simon Youth Foundation (which she chairs). She is a major Democratic donor: per the Washington Free Beacon (cited by InfluenceWatch) she has given an estimated $53 million to Democratic politicians and groups since 2018, and in 2018 she gave $9.7 million and ranked as the 14th-largest individual federal Democratic donor. She is also a $2 million backer of DMFI PAC, the pro-Israel super PAC that endorsed Conley ($2,000,000 on 4/7/2025; she also gave DMFI $1,000,000 on 2/12/2024).

EvidenceInfluenceWatch profile (SPG lineage, 25-year career, SVP, left 1996, Simon Youth Foundation, $53M since 2018, 14th in 2018); IBJ (daughter of late SPG co-founder Melvin Simon; 2018 = $9.7M, ranked 14th, not top-100 in 2016); FEC DMFI PAC C00710848 Schedule A (Deborah Simon $2,000,000 on 4/7/2025 + $1,000,000 on 2/12/2024).

Independent corroborationInfluenceWatch, IBJ, and FEC (DMFI) independently corroborate the megadonor profile and the SPG provenance.

What it does not showThe point is the source of the fortune (mall-REIT) relative to Conley's anti-corporate-landlord messaging, not Simon's partisanship, which is unremarkable for a major Democratic donor. The $53M-since-2018 figure traces to the Washington Free Beacon via InfluenceWatch (not IBJ); IBJ documents the 2018 $9.7M / 14th-place data point. Her DMFI giving runs on a legally separate track from her VoteVets giving.

Verify it yourself1) InfluenceWatch: confirms Melvin Simon lineage, 25-year SPG career (assistant to SVP), left 1996, Simon Youth Foundation, $53M since 2018 (per Free Beacon), 14th-largest in 2018. 2) IBJ: daughter of late SPG co-founder Melvin Simon; 2018 = $9.7M, ranked 14th, not top-100 in 2016. 3) FEC C00710848 (DMFI PAC) Schedule A: Deborah Simon $2,000,000 (4/7/2025) + $1,000,000 (2/12/2024).

Primary documents influencewatch-deborah-simon.htmlarchivedfec-dmfi-pac-simon-contributions.json

1. www.influencewatch.org/person/deborah-simon/ · archived
2. www.ibj.com/articles/deb-simon-willing-to-do-anything-to-oust-trump-in-2020 · archived
3. FEC DMFI PAC C00710848 (Simon $2M 4/7/2025; $1M 2/12/2024)

What the record showsBoth of Deborah Simon's VoteVets contributions — $1,000,000 on 3/3/2025 and $500,000 on 11/5/2025 — were filed under occupation 'NOT EMPLOYED' (employer 'N/A'); her $7,000 direct gift to Conley listed 'UNEMPLOYED.' The FEC occupation field obscures that her wealth derives from Simon Property Group, the largest mall owner in the United States, where she worked for roughly 25 years before leaving in 1996. The occupation label understates the relevance of the fortune's source to a candidate campaigning against corporate landlords.

Evidencethe VoteVets donor file (both Simon VoteVets entries: NOT EMPLOYED, N/A, Carmel IN); the FEC Schedule A data (Conley direct gift: UNEMPLOYED); InfluenceWatch/IBJ on her SPG career.

Independent corroborationFEC filings (the label) plus InfluenceWatch/IBJ (the masked SPG provenance) corroborate.

What it does not showListing 'unemployed'/'not employed' is common and lawful for donors living on investment income and is not itself improper. The point is that the FEC label hides the mall-REIT provenance relevant to Conley's housing message.

Verify it yourself1) FEC C00418897 Schedule A, contributor 'simon' → both Deborah Simon entries show occupation NOT EMPLOYED, employer N/A. 2) FEC C00900431 → her $7,000 direct gift shows UNEMPLOYED. 3) InfluenceWatch/IBJ confirm the SPG career the label conceals.

Primary documents fec-votevets-donors-sample100.jsoninfluencewatch-deborah-simon.htmlarchived

1. FEC VoteVets C00418897; the VoteVets donor file
2. www.influencewatch.org/person/deborah-simon/ · archived
3. www.ibj.com/articles/deb-simon-willing-to-do-anything-to-oust-trump-in-2020 · archived

What the record showsThe defensible charge about Conley's super-PAC backing is concentration and silence, not coordination or steering. Honest limits: VoteVets' independent expenditures are by law uncoordinated with the campaign and no coordination finding exists against Conley; Deborah Simon's $1.5M, Bekenstein's $375K, and the Mandels' $300K are general contributions to VoteVets, not money earmarked for Conley; capped direct gifts (~$7,000) and uncapped super-PAC money must never be summed; VoteVets is overwhelmingly labor-funded, with only ~$20K of corporate-PAC money and no pharma 'air war' financing; and the only confirmed FEC action is a routine RFAI (disclosure-cure request), not an enforcement action. Conley has no voting record, so no purchased vote is alleged.

EvidenceFEC Schedule E (all items coded support/independent); the VoteVets donor file (labor majority, ~$20K corporate-PAC, $20,000 computed exactly); FEC RFAI/Form 1 chain (routine cure, not enforcement).

Independent corroborationFEC Schedule E coding, the donor file composition, and the RFAI text each independently support the exculpatory limits.

What it does not showThis finding is the guardrail that holds the exculpatory and legality notes in one place so the beat is not overstated; it is not an accusation. All sub-claims independently verified in.

Verify it yourself1) FEC Schedule E: all VoteVets-for-Conley items are coded independent expenditures (support), not coordinated. 2) FEC: no MUR/enforcement matter against C00900431 (only the routine RFAI). 3) Donor file: corporate-PAC share = exactly $20,000 vs >$500K labor; gifts are general VoteVets contributions, not earmarked. 4) The RFAI PDF is a Reports Analysis Division information request, explicitly not an audit/enforcement finding.

Primary documents fec-votevets-scheduleE-conley-LIVE-20260612.jsonfec-votevets-donors-sample100.jsonfec-rfai-20260311-202603110300342260.pdf

1. FEC Schedule E C00418897 (independent expenditures)
2. the VoteVets donor file
3. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/260/202603110300342260/202603110300342260.pdf · archived

What the record showsThe Intercept's 2/9/2026 piece reported 'more than $80,000 between January 2024 and July 2025,' including '$68,000 from Hidden Level' and '$12,500' from Primer for the period ending July 2025. The larger $328,283.15 figure is sourced directly to Conley's House financial disclosure (Filing ID #10076406), covering 1/1/2025-4/30/2026. The two are reconcilable, not contradictory — different reporting periods and measures.

EvidenceThe Intercept 2/9/2026 (verbatim: 'more than $80,000 between January 2024 and July 2025'; '$68,000 from Hidden Level'; '$12,500' Primer); Filing ID #10076406 ($328,283.15).

Independent corroborationBoth Intercept figures ($80,000+ total, $68,000 HL, $12,500 Primer) confirmed verbatim via live fetch + saved HTML; the $328,283.15 disclosure figure reconciles from the PDF line items.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the discrepancy is a window/measure difference, not a hidden discrepancy or false statement. Use the disclosure-sourced $328,283.15, attributed to the form, not to The Intercept. A reporter should map each figure to its exact period.

Verify it yourselfCompare The Intercept's dollar figures/date ranges against the line items and reporting window on Filing ID #10076406. Note Intercept = Jan 2024-Jul 2025; disclosure = Jan 2025-Apr 2026.

Primary documents intercept-2026-02-09.htmlarchivedoge-278e-10076406.pdf

1. The Intercept, 2/9/2026 - https://theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/
2. Filing ID #10076406

What the record showsHidden Level is backed by the defense-contracting establishment: Booz Allen Ventures invested across rounds; Lockheed Martin Ventures, DFJ Growth, Revolution Growth (Steve Case), Costanoa, Washington Harbour Partners, Veteran Ventures, and Founders Circle Capital participated. The firm closed a $65M Series C in Feb 2025 at a ~$500M valuation (DFJ Growth-led), six months after a ~$35M Series B, totaling ~$100M raised in a year. Hidden Level is also a subcontractor to Booz Allen ('FOCUS II' subs). Founders are Jeff Cole (CEO, ex-Gryphon Sensors/Syracuse Research) and Gary Dominicos.

EvidenceCaproasia / Washington Technology / SiliconANGLE (Series C $65M, investor list incl. Lockheed Martin Ventures + Booz Allen Ventures + Revolution Growth); Consulting Point (Booz Allen Ventures 2023 investment); USASpending subaward API (Booz Allen FOCUS II subs).

Independent corroborationMultiple independent outlets list Lockheed Martin Ventures and Booz Allen Ventures (and Revolution Growth) among Series C investors; the $65M Series C / ~$500M valuation / ~$100M-in-a-year figures recur across Washington Technology, Caproasia, SiliconANGLE, FinSMEs.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is the firm's investor/contractor profile, not Conley's — it establishes her employer sits inside the defense-AI capital network, not that she had any role in or benefit from these relationships. The Booz Allen subs pre-date her paid Hidden Level engagement. The beat also names 'Valor Equity (Antonio Gracias)' — not independently confirmed in; verify before printing.

Verify it yourselfRead the Washington Technology and Caproasia Series C pieces for the investor list (Lockheed Martin Ventures, Booz Allen Ventures, DFJ Growth, Revolution Growth); pull Booz Allen FOCUS II sub-awards on USASpending.

1. Washington Technology - https://www.washingtontechnology.com/companies/2025/02/hidden-level-closes-65m-series-c-round/402699/
2. Caproasia - https://www.caproasia.com/2025/02/05/united-states-defense-drone-startup-hidden-level-raises-65-million-in-series-c-funding...
3. Consulting Point - https://www.consultingpoint.com/news/2023/3/10/booz-allen-ventures-invests-in-drone-monitoring-startup-hidden-level
4. USASpending subaward API (Booz Allen FOCUS II)

What the record showsPrimer's full confirmed federal footprint is direct awards totaling roughly $11.7M obligated (plus a $950M IDV ceiling with $0 obligated against it), split across Air Force/AFWERX, Army, Navy SBIR, and USSOCOM/OSD — every buyer is DoD. The largest single obligated award is the USSOCOM social-media-monitoring contract ($2.996M); the largest active award is a Navy SBIR Phase II ($2.38M, N6833525F0043); Air Force/AFWERX is the single largest buyer by count. Two legal entities are involved: Primer Technologies, Inc. (UEI GWE2QWZG5CJ9, pre-~2022) and Primer Federal Inc. (UEI HLVJPF2S6WN5, FY22+ SBIR work).

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: USASpending spending_by_award for UEI HLVJPF2S6WN5 returns 9 contract awards, 100% Awarding Agency = Department of Defense (no non-DoD awarder appears). The USSOCOM prime H9240122C0002 confirmed to the cent at $2,996,017 (see separate finding). PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md section 3 lists the full 14-award table.

Independent corroborationAward H9240122C0002 fetched directly from USASpending confirms USSOCOM/$2,996,017; the spending_by_award control set confirms the DoD-only pattern across all 9 Primer Federal awards.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is the public footprint only; classified/IC work is not captured. The $950M figure is an IDV ceiling (Advanced Battle Management Plan multiple-award IDC, FA861222D0190), not money obligated to Primer.

Verify it yourselfPOST spending_by_award with recipient_search_text=['HLVJPF2S6WN5'] and award_type_codes A/B/C/D; confirm all results carry Awarding Agency = Department of Defense. Repeat for GWE2QWZG5CJ9.

Primary documents primer_fed_all.jsonprimer_ussocom_H9240122C0002.json

1. USASpending.gov spending_by_award (UEI HLVJPF2S6WN5, 9 awards, 100% DoD) — verified 2026-06-12
2. USASpending.gov awards endpoint (CONT_AWD_H9240122C0002_9700_-NONE-_-NONE-) — verified 2026-06-12
3. PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md section 3 (14-award table)

What the record showsPalantir and Anduril, frequently cited in the same surveillance-AI category, did not pay Conley and serve as comparators only. Conley's disclosed defense-AI income (OGE 278e #10076406, ~$328,283) came from Hidden Level and Primer, not from Palantir or Anduril. Both comparator firms sell aggressively to government — Palantir to USSOCOM (Gotham, $275.96M, 2016-2021) and Army (Maven) — Anduril to CBP ($862M+ in surveillance towers) and SOCOM ($964.3M) — but those are not CISA and did not generate income for Conley.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: the OGE 278e #10076406 income block lists only Hidden Level, Inc. (salary $152,743.07; consulting fee $92,500.00 prior / $48,040.08 current) and Primer (consulting fee $10,000.00 prior / $25,000.00 current) — Palantir and Anduril do not appear as income sources. Sum of all five income amounts = $328,283.15. Palantir/Anduril appear in the procurement ledger only as comparator vendors.

Independent corroborationOGE 278e PDF text-extracted and arithmetic-checked ($328,283.15 = exact sum). The Intercept (2026-02-09) names Hidden Level and Primer as her defense-AI income sources, not Palantir/Anduril.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: Conley holds no Palantir or Anduril corporate money in the contract record. Including these firms is for category context, not to imply a financial tie.

Verify it yourselfExtract the income table from OGE 278e #10076406 (pdftotext -layout); confirm only Hidden Level and Primer appear and the five income amounts sum to $328,283.15. Palantir/Anduril do not appear as income sources.

Primary documents oge-278e-10076406.pdf

1. OGE Form 278e #10076406 (income block: Hidden Level + Primer only) — text-verified 2026-06-12
2. USASpending.gov comparator awards (Palantir/Anduril)
3. The Intercept, 2026-02-09 (corroborating income sources)

What the record showsPalantir's substantial DHS-parent business is concentrated in ICE and other non-CISA components, not CISA. Examples include the ICE Investigative Case Management O&M contract (70CTD022FR0000170, $150,703,824.61, 2022-2026) plus additional ICE awards ($86.3M and $51.7M) and USSS/USCIS/USCG/FEMA work ($18.65M+). Across 18 DHS awards reviewed, none were to CISA. A department-wide Palantir BPA (70RTAC26A00000001, $1.0B ceiling, $0 obligated) exists against which CISA could theoretically order, but no CISA call order has been placed.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: USASpending spending_by_award on PIID 70CTD022FR0000170 returns recipient PALANTIR TECHNOLOGIES INC., Awarding Sub Agency 'U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement,' Award Amount $150,703,824.61 — confirming the ICE (not CISA) buyer and the figure to the cent.

Independent corroborationICE ICM award fetched and confirmed to the cent ($150,703,824.61, ICE subtier) against live USASpending; the award page is also archived on Wayback (2026-06-04).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: Palantir is a comparator and did not pay Conley; CISA has placed no orders against the department-wide BPA to date. The BPA is a vehicle a CISA advisor has no contracting authority over.

Verify it yourselfPOST spending_by_award with award_ids=['70CTD022FR0000170']; confirm recipient Palantir Technologies Inc., Awarding Sub Agency 'U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement,' amount $150,703,824.61. Review the broader DHS-Palantir award set by subagency and confirm none is CISA.

Primary documents palantir_ice_search.jsonpalantir_ice_70CTD022FR0000170.json

1. USASpending.gov award 70CTD022FR0000170 (gen id CONT_AWD_70CTD022FR0000170_7012_GS35F0086U_4730) — verified 2026-06-12
2. USASpending.gov IDV 70RTAC26A00000001 (DHS Office of Procurement Operations BPA)

What the record showsAnduril's large DHS business is with Customs and Border Protection (CBP), a different DHS component than CISA. Under the CBP Autonomous Surveillance Tower IDIQ (70B02C20D00000019, $2.0B ceiling), 23 delivery orders total roughly $862M, several awarded during Conley's CISA tenure — including a 51-tower DO (~$38.03M, 2023), DO#17 (~$37.03M, 2024) and a $362.97M tower purchase (2025). But CBP is not CISA: a CISA advisor has no contracting authority over CBP, and Anduril did not pay Conley.

EvidenceInternal ledger documents IDV 70B02C20D00000019 with 23 child delivery orders. Independent reporting (OrangeSlices AI, HigherGov, Anduril) corroborates the $2.0B ceiling, ~$818M obligated as of Dec 2025, a $363M XRST delivery order (Dec 2025), and a ~$41.9M Aug-2025 DO under the same IDIQ vehicle — all CBP/Border Patrol, none CISA.

Independent corroborationOrangeSlices AI and HigherGov independently report the same IDIQ (70B02C20D00000019), $2B ceiling, and recent delivery orders ($363M Dec 2025; ~$41.9M Aug 2025). Anduril's own press confirms 300+ towers deployed for CBP.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: no link between Conley and any CBP contracting decision; CBP and CISA are separate DHS components. Anduril is a comparator with no income tie to Conley. The 'during her tenure' timing reflects category activity, not personal involvement. The direct USASpending IDV fetch did not resolve via the standard generated-id; the figure rests on the internal ledger plus independent reporting.

Verify it yourselfOpen IDV 70B02C20D00000019 on USASpending (or HigherGov), list the child delivery orders, and confirm every buyer is CBP, a separate component from CISA. Independent reporting (OrangeSlices, Anduril) confirms the $2B ceiling and $363M Dec-2025 order.

Primary documents anduril_cbp_idv_search.jsonanduril_search2.json

1. USASpending.gov IDV 70B02C20D00000019 + child delivery orders (internal ledger)
2. OrangeSlices AI (Anduril $363M SBIR Phase III CBP task; $42M Aug-2025 DO) — corroborating
3. HigherGov IDV 70B02C20D00000019 — corroborating

What the record showsAn earlier characterization that 'Primer Delta is currently hosted on Palantir's FedStart/PFCS-SS environment' has been corrected to ANNOUNCED INTENT, not a documented current fact. Primer's September 2023 announcement used future tense ('will carry') and predates PFCS-SS authorization (FedRAMP High, product FR2315464863) by roughly 14 months. As of the latest checks Primer does not appear in the FedRAMP Marketplace at all; the GSA FedRAMP Marketplace is a JS-only single-page app that blocks scripted reads, so a headless-browser read of the live PFCS-SS tenant roster is the one open confirmation step.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: the primer.ai announcement (saved locally) reads verbatim 'Primer Delta, its AI platform, will carry FedRAMP designation and Impact Level 5 (IL5) authorization for government agencies through Palantir's FedStart offering' — future tense. The FedRAMP Marketplace API/data.json endpoints return only the SPA HTML shell (HTTP 404 on data.json paths; products endpoint returns the JS app), confirming scripted reads are blocked. Independent web search did not surface Primer as a FedRAMP-authorized product.

Independent corroborationThe PFCS-SS boundary product (FR2315464863) is confirmed real and archived on Wayback (2026-04-23). The primer.ai future-tense announcement is archived (2025-10-14). Independent search (PRNewswire, primer.ai) shows the relationship was announced Sept 2023 as forthcoming, not confirmed as live.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: even if Primer were hosted on Palantir's boundary, FedRAMP/IL5 authorization is eligibility to be bought, not a contract, and names no agency customer. Because the marketplace blocks scripted reads, the 'Primer absent' finding is best confirmed via a headless-browser read of the live PFCS-SS dependent-product roster.

Verify it yourselfRead the primer.ai/PRNewswire announcement and confirm the future-tense 'will carry FedRAMP designation… through Palantir's FedStart offering.' Then attempt to load the FedRAMP Marketplace data.json (returns SPA shell, no machine-readable product list), and use a headless browser to read the live PFCS-SS dependent-product roster to confirm Primer is absent.

Primary documents primer_fedramp_announcement_2023.htmlfedramp_products.json

1. primer.ai/news/primer-ai-announces-fedramp-security (verbatim 'will carry') — saved + archived
2. GSA FedRAMP Marketplace (data.json/products endpoints return SPA shell; scripted read blocked) — verified 2026-06-12
3. marketplace.fedramp.gov/products/FR2315464863 (PFCS-SS boundary product, confirmed real)

What the record showsThe documented commercial link between Palantir and Primer sits at the accreditation/hosting layer, not the purchase layer. Primer Delta was announced (2023-09-11) to obtain FedRAMP designation and DoD IL5 by inheriting Palantir's accredited boundary (the PFCS-SS product, FedRAMP High, FR2315464863) via Palantir's FedStart program, rather than holding its own ATO. This means Palantir would profit by sponsoring Primer's eligibility to sell to government — a repeatable pattern across roughly two dozen named FedStart tenants — but it establishes no federal purchase of Primer or Hidden Level. FedRAMP/IL5 authorization is eligibility to be bought; it is not a contract and names no agency customer.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12 from the archived primer.ai announcement: 'Palantir's FedStart program… enables accreditation of Primer's AI solutions so that more government customers can rapidly adopt and benefit from leading edge AI innovation' and 'Primer Delta… will carry FedRAMP designation and Impact Level 5 (IL5) authorization… through Palantir's FedStart offering.' The PFCS-SS boundary product FR2315464863 exists on the FedRAMP Marketplace.

Independent corroborationIndependent search (Aug 2025) confirms FedStart is a repeatable program with other named tenants (Unstructured.io, Knightscope, etc.) inheriting Palantir's accredited boundary — corroborating that the arrangement is standard accreditation/eligibility, not a procurement instrument.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: no agency customer, no contract, no money to Conley. The FedStart facts rest partly on vendor self-report corroborated by the Palantir boundary product ID; and per the separate correction, Primer is currently absent from the live marketplace roster, so this is an announced relationship, not confirmed live hosting.

Verify it yourselfRead the Palantir FedStart announcement and confirm the language describes accreditation/eligibility ('enables accreditation of Primer's AI solutions'), not a procurement instrument or agency customer. Confirm PFCS-SS product FR2315464863 exists on the FedRAMP Marketplace.

Primary documents primer_fedramp_announcement_2023.html

1. primer.ai / PRNewswire 301921893 (2023-09-11) — saved + archived
2. palantir.com/offerings/fedstart; FedRAMP boundary product FR2315464863

What the record showsPrimer is eligible to be purchased by DHS components through reseller vehicles, but no such purchase exists in the data. Carahsoft, Primer's 'Master Government Aggregator' since 2023-06-27, lists Primer products as orderable line items on NASA SEWP V (NNG15SC03B/NNG15SC27B) and Army ITES-SW2 (W52P1J-20-D-0042); Primer is NOT listed on Carahsoft's GSA MAS schedule. Exhaustive scans of Carahsoft-as-prime DHS awards (637 records awarding + 626 funding), Carahsoft-to-ICE specifically (58 awarded + 44 funded), and DHS-wide product-string searches ('Primer Command/Enterprise/AI/NLP') returned zero Primer AI hits — the only 'primer' string in the entire Carahsoft-DHS set was a misspelled Adobe Premiere license.

EvidencePRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md sections 4-5 document the Carahsoft-prime DHS pagination (637 + 626 records) with the single false-positive HSBP20130000900364 (Adobe Premiere Elements 11, $4,650). The Carahsoft Primer contracts page is archived on Wayback (2026-03-27). The live USASpending DHS-funding negative for both Primer UEIs (verified 2026-06-12) is consistent with no Carahsoft-routed DHS order surfacing.

Independent corroborationThe Carahsoft Primer contracts page (carahsoft.com/primer/Contracts) is archived and names Army/Air Force/Intelligence Community as customers — not DHS. The live DHS-funding=0 result for both Primer UEIs corroborates that no Carahsoft-routed DHS order appears at the top level.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: a DHS component could still order Primer through SEWP V or ITES-SW2 with the product named only in CLIN/line-item text not exposed at the top level of USASpending — eligibility is real, but no order surfaced. SEWP V expires 2026-09-30; ITES-SW2 runs to 2030-08-30.

Verify it yourselfSearch USASpending for Carahsoft-prime orders funded by any DHS component containing 'Primer'; results return only the Adobe Premiere false positive (HSBP20130000900364). Confirm Carahsoft's Primer microsite lists SEWP V / ITES-SW2 but not a DHS customer.

Primary documents primer_tech_dhs_funding.jsonprimer_fed_dhs_funding.json

1. carahsoft.com/primer/contracts — archived 2026-03-27
2. USASpending.gov Carahsoft-prime DHS award + funding queries (PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md sections 4-5)
3. USASpending.gov DHS-funding negative for Primer UEIs — verified 2026-06-12

What the record showsThe Intercept's 2026-02-09 framing that Primer 'does not appear to have an active deal with the department in a federal contracting database' is confirmed against the procurement record: zero DHS/CISA awards to either Primer legal entity, at award and transaction level, plus the CISA-funded census. Every Primer federal dollar is DoD (Air Force/AFRL, SOCOM, Army, Navy) plus one small legacy USAGM/BBG item. The qualifier matters: it would be too strong to say 'no active deal anywhere' — Primer has active DoD deals (e.g., Navy SBIR Phase II N6833525F0043) — but for DHS/CBP/ICE specifically the negative is clean.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: the archived Intercept HTML contains the verbatim quote: '…it does not appear to have an active deal with the department in a federal contracting database.' USASpending DHS-funding queries for both Primer UEIs return 0 (verified); the DoD-only control returns 9 Primer Federal awards.

Independent corroborationThe verbatim Intercept quote is preserved in two saved HTML copies and the article is archived on Wayback (earliest snapshot 2026-02-09, same day as publication). The USASpending DHS-zero is independently reproduced live.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the Intercept's narrower claim concerns DHS only; Primer does hold active DoD contracts. The negative is documented absence in open data, subject to the classified/IC and reseller-CLIN caveats noted elsewhere.

Verify it yourselfFind the verbatim string 'does not appear to have an active deal with the department in a federal contracting database' in the Intercept article (archived 2026-02-09), then reproduce the USASpending DHS-funding=0 result for both Primer UEIs while confirming active DoD awards exist (e.g., N6833525F0043).

Primary documents intercept-2026-02-09.htmlarchivedintercept-conley-palantir-dhs.htmlprimer_tech_dhs_funding.json

1. The Intercept, 2026-02-09 (verbatim quote verified) — saved + archived
2. USASpending.gov DHS-funding queries (both Primer UEIs = 0) — verified 2026-06-12

What the record showsFEC Schedule A shows exactly one crypto-linked contribution: Coinbase VP Greg Tusar, $500, on 12/30/2025. There is no verified crypto-PAC money - the '$5,000 Crosspartisan PAC' sometimes miscounted as crypto is actually Crosspartisan PAC I, a veterans/With Honor vehicle. Separately, a single $7,000 check came from the Act-60 crypto tax haven of Dorado, Puerto Rico. Conley has staked out no public position on the 2026 stablecoin or market-structure fights.

EvidenceRecomputed from raw FEC Schedule A: the only Coinbase/crypto employer match is TUSAR, GREG | COINBASE | $500.00 | 2025-12-30. Dorado PR confirmed: WIGGINS, STEPHEN | $7,000 | DORADO, PR. the itemized bundle breakdown independently documents the Crosspartisan PAC I = With Honor veterans correction.

Independent corroborationSingle Tusar $500 and Dorado $7,000 both confirmed in raw data; the Crosspartisan-is-veterans correction is documented in the itemized bundle breakdown with explicit CAUTION framing.

What it does not showA $500 sliver plus silence is not a crypto-money story; this finding exists mainly to bound the claim honestly. The Dorado $7,000 is a geography/tax-haven note, not proof the donor is a crypto figure (Wiggins lists employer 'N/A').

Verify it yourselfSearch raw Schedule A for crypto-firm employers (Coinbase etc.) - only Tusar ($500) appears; confirm Crosspartisan PAC I's With Honor/veterans affiliation in the itemized bundle breakdown / FEC Schedule A for C00786186; confirm Dorado PR $7,000 by filtering contributor_state=='PR'.

1. the FEC Schedule A data (recomputed)
2. the itemized bundle breakdown
3. Act 60 / Dorado PR: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cryptocurrencies_in_Puerto_Rico
4. DOSSIER-Conley-NY17-FULL.md, 'The crypto tag is thin - say so'

What the record showsFounders Fund, where Thiel is a partner, seeded Anduril in 2017, co-led the 2024 Series F (~$1.5B round, ~$14B valuation, with Sands Capital), and led the 2025 Series G ($2.5B round, ~$30.5B valuation, Founders Fund contributing $1B — its largest-ever single investment). This is the venture-capital throughline of the cluster, distinct from Thiel's personal >10% stake.

EvidenceTechCrunch 2025-06-05 ('Anduril raises $2.5B at $30.5B valuation led by Founders Fund'); Sacra company profile; financial-press round sequence seed 2017 -> Series F Aug 2024 (~$14B) -> Series G June 2025 (~$30.5B).

Independent corroborationTechCrunch headline names Founders Fund as Series G lead; Sacra independently lists the seed-2017 Founders Fund involvement and round valuations.

What it does not showFounders Fund's flagship-investor status is sourced to the financial press, NOT to Palantir's SEC proxy. The Founders Fund vehicle and Thiel personally must not be conflated. None of this is Conley money — it describes the orbit, not her finances.

Verify it yourselfCross-check TechCrunch 2025-06-05 and Sacra's Anduril profile for the seed-2017 / Series F ~$14B / Series G ~$30.5B sequence and Founders Fund's lead role; the proxy does NOT establish the Founders Fund role, so cite press for this link.

1. TechCrunch 2025-06-05 — Anduril $2.5B Series G at $30.5B led by Founders Fund (FF contributed $1B)
2. Sacra — Anduril funding/valuation profile (seed 2017 Founders Fund; Series F Aug 2024 ~$14B; Series G 2025 ~$30.5B)

What the record showsPalantir's founders engineered voting control to exactly 49.999999% via 1,005,000 Class F shares (held in the Founder Voting Trust with Wilmington Trust, National Association as trustee), carrying approximately 1,259.505 votes each (1,265,802,792 votes aggregate). Thiel separately holds 'Designated Founders' Excluded Shares' (55,137,931 Class A + 2,962,961 Class B held by his affiliates) with independent voting discretion.

EvidenceSEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 capital-structure/beneficial-ownership disclosures, all verified verbatim in the archived filing: '1,005,000 shares of Class F common stock outstanding, all of which were held in the Founder Voting Trust'; '1,265,802,792 votes in the aggregate, or approximately 1,259.505 votes per share'; '49.999999% of the voting power'; 'Wilmington Trust, National Association as trustee'; '55,137,931 shares were held by Mr. Thiel's affiliates as DFES' and '2,962,961 shares.'

Independent corroborationSelf-consistent within the primary proxy (capital-structure section ties Class F count, vote multiplier, trust, and the 49.999999% cap together).

What it does not showA Palantir corporate-governance fact bearing on Thiel's control of the orbit's anchor firm; it does not implicate Conley. The 49.999999% figure is exact by design (kept just under a majority).

Verify it yourselfSearch the archived proxy for '1,005,000', '1,259.505', '1,265,802,792', '49.999999', 'Wilmington Trust', '55,137,931', '2,962,961' — all match verbatim.

Primary documents palantir-def14a-2026.htm

1. SEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 — 1,005,000 Class F shares (~1,259.505 votes each; 1,265,802,792 aggregate), Founder Voting Trust (Wilmington Trust trustee), 49.999999% aggregate, Thiel DFES 55,137,931 Class A + 2,962,961 Class B

What the record showsPrimer's lobbying filings appear under 'PRIMERAI'/'PRIMER.AI' (generic 'Primer' searches return false 'PRIMERICA' hits). The Senate LDA database has 9 PRIMERAI filings beginning 2023 Q2. J.A. Green & Co (2023-2024) fielded Jeffery Green (ex-HASC counsel), Mark Lewis (ex-Principal Director to USD-Policy / ex-HASC), Alycia Farrell (ex-Senate Approps), and Justin Brower (ex-aide to Rep. Ruppersberger). INVOKE LLC (2025-2026, current) fields Jane Lee — ex-Senior Policy Adviser to McConnell, House Budget Committee Policy Director, Senate Approps subcommittee clerk, OMB Program Examiner. In-house gov-affairs lead is Toni Hipp (ex-CIA).

EvidenceSenate LDA API (lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings, client_name='PRIMERAI'): count=9, earliest a 2023 Q2 Registration (RR); confirms filings exist under PRIMERAI and begin 2023. primer.ai/leadership confirms Toni Hipp as EVP Gov Affairs/CoS.

Independent corroborationLDA filing count is direct from the official Senate API; Toni Hipp role corroborated by the firm's own leadership page.

What it does not showDescribes the lobbying apparatus of a Conley consulting client, not Conley's own activity. Primary-tier LDA records. Individual lobbyist names not re-pulled at the LD-2 level but are traceable from the 9 PRIMERAI filings.

Verify it yourselfGET https://lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings/?client_name=PRIMERAI (count=9, earliest 2023 Q2 RR). Read the LD-2 lobbyist lists in each filing for the named staff; note searching 'Primer' returns 'PRIMERICA' false hits.

Primary documents primer-leadership.html

1. lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings — 9 PRIMERAI filings: J.A. Green & Co (2023-24), INVOKE LLC (2025-26, Jane Lee)

What the record showsCarahsoft is the shared reseller spine: it is Primer's 'Master Government Aggregator' (June 2023, reselling Primer's products via SEWP V and ITES-SW2) and also resells SpecterOps (a FedStart tenant) — a recurring pattern where FedStart is the accreditation boundary and Carahsoft is the GSA-schedule reseller vehicle. Separately, Karen Dahut is CEO of Google Public Sector (the Google side of the Claude-on-FedStart deployment) AND former Booz Allen EVP/sector president — and Booz Allen both primes Hidden Level's FOCUS II subs and is a Hidden Level equity investor.

EvidenceCarahsoft PR (locally saved; confirms SEWP V and ITES-SW2 and the Master Government Aggregator relationship, June 2023); GlobeNewswire 2025-02-12 (SpecterOps/Carahsoft); FedScoop and Potomac Officers Club (Dahut bio).

Independent corroborationCarahsoft PR independently surfaced via Yahoo Finance syndication; the FedStart+Carahsoft 'pattern' is supported by SpecterOps being both a PFCS-SS tenant (GSA dataset) and a Carahsoft partner (GlobeNewswire).

What it does not showThis is network architecture among the firms — it does not touch Conley. The Dahut Booz Allen tie requires separate sourcing (her 2022 Google Public Sector hiring coverage), not the FedScoop partnership article alone. 'Pattern' inferences are labeled as such.

Verify it yourselfOpen the archived copy — confirms SEWP V and ITES-SW2 contract vehicles. Corroborate Dahut's Booz Allen tenure via her 2022 Google Public Sector hiring coverage (separate from the FedScoop partnership article).

Primary documents carahsoft-primer-aggregator-2023.htmlarchived

1. Carahsoft PR (June 2023) — Primer Master Government Aggregator (SEWP V, ITES-SW2)
2. GlobeNewswire 2025-02-12 — SpecterOps/Carahsoft partnership
3. FedScoop; Potomac Officers Club — Karen Dahut (Google Public Sector CEO; ex-Booz Allen EVP)

What the record showsConley's policy page describes her as 'the federal government's senior executive overseeing election infrastructure security at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA).' The CISA press release of 2023-06-30 confirms her actual title as Senior Advisor to the CISA Director leading election security — a staff advisory role, not line command of CISA's Election Security and Resilience subdivision. The role is real and the election-security portfolio is confirmed; the framing 'senior executive overseeing' stretches the organizational chart beyond a Senior Advisor designation.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy (verbatim 'senior executive overseeing election infrastructure security at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA)' confirmed in saved HTML); CISA press release 2023-06-30 (title: Senior Advisor); the the claims-vs-records review review rows #20-21.

Independent corroborationRepo the the claims-vs-records review review rows #20 (CONFIRMED: 'Senior Advisor to the CISA Director, leading election security,' dateline-verified to the 2023-06-30 press release) and #21 (FRAMING: 'senior executive overseeing' stretches the org chart) independently corroborate both the real role and the framing stretch.

What it does not showThis is a framing flag, not a false statement — she genuinely held the election-security portfolio as Senior Advisor and succeeded Kim Wyman's portfolio. 'Senior Advisor' versus 'senior executive overseeing' is a question of how a real role is positioned, not an invented credential. No official bio inflates the literal job title; the stretch is in the campaign-page phrasing.

Verify it yourselfCompare the verbatim caitconley.com/policy phrasing (saved HTML) against the 2023-06-30 CISA press release title (Senior Advisor) and the the claims-vs-records review review rows #20-21.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy — 'senior executive overseeing election infrastructure security'
2. CISA press release 2023-06-30 (title: Senior Advisor to the CISA Director)

What the record showsAs checked, caitconley.com/policy contains a single Israel/Palestine sentence — an endorsement of a two-state solution under 'Defending Our Interests Abroad' — with no mention of Gaza, a ceasefire, arms, the humanitarian crisis, or Palestinian civilian deaths. At the JDCA forum she described wanting long-term peace via a third-party Gaza peacekeeping force and U.S. reconstruction aid, but took no ceasefire or conditioning position. In a primary in which arms-conditioning has become a defining question for much of the base, the platform's near-total silence on Gaza is itself a documented choice.

EvidenceSaved caitconley-policy.html (single Israel/Palestine sentence; keyword pass for 'Gaza,' 'ceasefire,' 'arms,' 'humanitarian'); Jewish Insider report of her JDCA forum remarks (verbatim peacekeeping-force / reconstruction-aid language confirmed via WebFetch).

Independent corroborationThe platform's single-sentence treatment is reproducible against the archived HTML and the dated Wayback snapshot; the JDCA peacekeeping/reconstruction framing ('long-term peace, guaranteed by a trusted third-party peacekeeping force in Gaza supported by U.S. reconstruction aid') is confirmed verbatim from the archived Jewish Insider piece.

What it does not showThis is documented as a choice — a silence — not proof of any particular position or of opposition to a ceasefire; candidates routinely keep platforms high-level. Her JDCA remarks show she has spoken to a peacekeeping/reconstruction vision, so 'silence' refers specifically to the published platform and to ceasefire/conditioning language, not to a total absence of any Middle East comment.

Verify it yourselfSearch the archived copy for 'Gaza,' 'ceasefire,' 'arms,' 'humanitarian' (the Israel/Palestine treatment is a single two-state sentence); the Wayback snapshot 20260613020326 fixes the wording. Read the archived Jewish Insider JDCA coverage for her peacekeeping/reconstruction remarks.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy — single two-state sentence under 'Defending Our Interests Abroad,' no Gaza/ceasefire/arms language
2. Jewish Insider, April 2026 — JDCA forum remarks (peacekeeping force, reconstruction aid; no ceasefire/conditioning position)

What the record showsSchedule E for committee C00900431 shows a $381.82 independent expenditure by DMFI PAC (committee C00710848) supporting Conley. The amount is trivial; its significance is that it converts a press-release endorsement into a reportable, on-the-record independent expenditure tied to the pro-Israel apparatus. The same Schedule E confirms four VoteVets (C00418897) independent expenditures supporting her totaling $508,591.99.

EvidenceFEC Schedule E for committee C00900431 — the network analysis and the FEC Schedule E data document the four VoteVets IEs ($149,995.55 + $8,600.44 + $249,996.00 + $100,000.00 = $508,591.99, payees Targeted Platform Media LLC and Backstory Strategies LLC, dates 2026-05-26 to 06-01) and the separate $381.82 DMFI PAC (C00710848) line via Trilogy Interactive LLC.

Independent corroborationthe network analysis independently itemizes the four VoteVets IE line items to the cent and explicitly separates the $381.82 DMFI line — corroborating both that the VoteVets total is $508,591.99 and that the $381.82 is a distinct DMFI expenditure.

What it does not showThe DMFI spend is, on the record, only $381.82 — a token amount, not evidence of a major spending campaign. Any claim that AIPAC-network money will pour into NY-17 the way it did one district over is, to date, an inference, not a confirmed spend. The IE is by law uncoordinated with the campaign. Note the repo flags a common arithmetic error to avoid: $508,591.99 (VoteVets) + $381.82 (DMFI) = $508,973.81; the two must not be summed and attributed to VoteVets.

Verify it yourselfPull Schedule E independent expenditures for C00900431 on FEC.gov; confirm the DMFI $381.82 (via Trilogy Interactive) and the four VoteVets line items summing to $508,591.99. the network analysis reproduces the itemization.

1. FEC Schedule E, committee C00900431 — DMFI PAC (C00710848) $381.82 IE; VoteVets (C00418897) IEs totaling $508,591.99

What the record showsBeyond the $508,591.99 VoteVets independent expenditure, Conley's FEC PAC ledger (committee C00900431) shows a layered network of veteran-candidate bundling vehicles: a $5,000 VoteVets direct contribution (2025-06-18); New Politics Next Mission Fund transfers ($12,606.20 on 2025-09-30, $3,822.64 on 2025-12-17, $13,821.45 on 2025-12-31, plus smaller tranches); VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund transfers ($3,869.62 on 2025-09-30, $14,036.16 on 2025-12-11); and New Politics Hellcats transfers ($3,947.79 on 2025-12-31, $1,170.11 on 2026-03-31). The same outside-money apparatus that runs her largest IE also bundles direct and joint-fundraising money into the campaign account.

EvidenceFEC committee C00900431 PAC contributions ledger (saved the PAC-transfer data): VoteVets $5,000 (2025-06-18); New Politics Next Mission Fund $12,606.20 (2025-09-30), $3,822.64 (2025-12-17), $13,821.45 (2025-12-31); VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund $3,869.62 (2025-09-30), $14,036.16 (2025-12-11); New Politics Hellcats $3,947.79 (2025-12-31), $1,170.11 (2026-03-31) — all confirmed verbatim by date and amount.

Independent corroborationEvery dated entry in the claim matched the archived the PAC-transfer data to the cent. the network analysis independently confirms the four-way Hellcat split structure (Conley + Bennett + Mendoza + Sullivan each receiving identical $3,869.62 and $14,036.16 from the VoteVets fund), corroborating the bundling architecture.

What it does not showJoint fundraising committees and veteran-candidate bundling PACs are standard, legal vehicles, and supporting veteran candidates is their stated mission; these transfers are disclosed and lawful. The finding documents the density and layering of the outside-money network, not any impropriety. The memo_code=='X' entries (e.g. $757.00, $3,715.40, $3,024.87) are attribution/transfer notations, not additional independent dollars, and should be excluded from totals.

Verify it yourselfOpen the itemized PAC/transfer receipts for C00900431 on FEC.gov, or search the archived the PAC-transfer data for VoteVets, 'New Politics Next Mission Fund,' 'Hellcat,' matching each entry by date and amount. Exclude memo_code=='X' lines.

1. FEC C00900431 PAC ledger (the PAC-transfer data) — VoteVets $5,000 (2025-06-18); New Politics Next Mission Fund and VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund / New Politics Hellcats transfers (2025-09-30 through 2026-03-31)

What the record showsFEC data shows the $5,000 'Honor Bound PAC' contribution to Conley dated 2025-03-31 came from committee C00711549, whose committee name is 'Honor Bound PAC' and whose FEC-affiliated name is 'Democratic Majority Action (DMA PAC)' — a Kentucky-based Democratic hybrid PAC (Paris, KY; treasurer Chris Patton) tied to a Senate candidate (FEC ID S0KY00339). On the record this is a Democratic/veterans vehicle, not a confirmed pro-Israel committee. This finding documents the precise provenance and cautions against asserting a DMFI or pro-Israel-network connection the record does not support.

EvidenceVerified directly against raw FEC the FEC Schedule A data: committee_id 'C00711549', name 'HONOR BOUND PAC', affiliated_committee_name 'DEMOCRATIC MAJORITY ACTION (DMA PAC)', candidate_ids ['S0KY00339'], state 'KY', city 'PARIS', treasurer_name 'PATTON, CHRIS', committee_type_full 'Hybrid PAC (with Non-Contribution Account) - Qualified', contribution $5,000 on 2025-03-31 via ActBlue earmark. Saved locally as honor-bound-dma-pac-C00711549-fec.json.

Independent corroborationThe raw FEC schedule_a record (definitive primary source) confirms the committee-ID-to-name mapping. the network analysis independently identifies the same C00711549 as Honor Bound PAC with treasurer Chris Patton tied to the New Politics PAC family — corroborating both the KY-hybrid-PAC provenance and the not-pro-Israel caution.

What it does not showDo not assert a DMFI or pro-Israel-network tie from the name alone; the public record shows a Kentucky Democratic hybrid PAC, not a pro-Israel committee. Note the treasurer Chris Patton also operates the New Politics PAC family (per the network analysis), so the more supportable tie is to the veteran-candidate bundling network, not to pro-Israel money. A separate 'Democratic Majority Action Committee' $500 disbursement (White Plains, NY) in Conley's Schedule B is a distinct NY non-federal item and must not be conflated. DMA PAC's full donor list/recipient roster remains an open lead.

Verify it yourselfLook up committee C00711549 on FEC.gov, or read the archived honor-bound-dma-pac-C00711549-fec.json (extracted from the FEC Schedule A data): confirm name 'HONOR BOUND PAC', affiliated 'DEMOCRATIC MAJORITY ACTION (DMA PAC)', KY/Paris, treasurer Chris Patton, candidate S0KY00339. Request DMA PAC's Form 1 and donor list to test for network overlap.

Primary documents honor-bound-dma-pac-C00711549-fec.json

1. FEC C00900431 PAC ledger — Honor Bound PAC $5,000 (2025-03-31, KY)
2. FEC raw schedule_a — committee C00711549 name 'HONOR BOUND PAC', affiliated 'DEMOCRATIC MAJORITY ACTION (DMA PAC)', candidate S0KY00339, treasurer PATTON, CHRIS

What the record showsConley's home — physically in the Millwood neighborhood of New Castle — uses an Ossining mailing/post-office address. The voter-registration form lists an Ossining mailing address, while the assessment rolls place the property in the Town of New Castle.

EvidenceMcKay Wilson: the registration form "lists her mailing address in Ossining" while assessment rolls place the home in New Castle's Millwood. Judge Street Journal subtitle: "Conley moved into New Castle's Millwood neighborhood in 2025, which has an Ossining post office address." NRCC: "While the home's mailing address is in Ossining, her home is located New Castle's Millwood neighborhood."

Independent corroborationThree independent sources agree: New Castle property with an Ossining mailing/post-office address (McKay Wilson, NRCC, Judge Street Journal).

What it does not showMismatched postal/municipal labels are common in Westchester, where ZIP-code mailing names frequently differ from town of residence; this is not inherently irregular and does not affect district eligibility. Presented as a documented address detail, not a character claim. Wilson's own piece opens by acknowledging 'how tricky Westchester County addresses can be.'

Verify it yourselfCross-reference the property's town-of-record (Town of New Castle assessment roll) against the Ossining mailing address shown on the BOE registration record. All three articles state the New Castle/Ossining split.

Primary documents mckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.htmlnrcc-carpetbaggin-cait.htmlarchivedjudgestreetjournal-conley-residence.htmlarchived

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — McKay Wilson (Ossining ma
2. nrcc.org/2026/01/26/icymi-carpetbaggin-caits-no-good-very-bad-week/ — NRCC (mailing address Ossi
3. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/dccc-favorite-cait-conley-makes-dubious — Judge Street Journal

What the record showsConley's Hudson Valley upbringing was in Pine Bush, where she attended Pine Bush High School (junior on 9/11, graduated 2003). Pine Bush is a hamlet in the Town of Crawford, Orange County — which lies outside the current NY-17 district boundaries (Rockland, Putnam, northern Westchester, southern Dutchess).

EvidencePat Tillman Foundation / Leadership Now / campaign bios: she was "a junior at Pine Bush High School on 9/11" and "graduated from Pine Bush High School in Orange County in 2003." Wikipedia: "Pine Bush is a hamlet ... located in the town of Crawford ... within Orange ... counties." Nextgov confirms NY-17 "includes all of Rockland and Putnam counties, northern Westchester, and part of southern Dutchess County" — Orange County not included.

Independent corroborationPine Bush High School attendance corroborated by multiple campaign-aligned bios and a Yahoo/news profile; Orange County / outside-NY-17 corroborated by Wikipedia + the Nextgov boundary description.

What it does not showHer Hudson Valley roots are real and not contested; she is a genuine fourth-generation Hudson Valley native. Orange County being outside the current NY-17 map is a districting fact, not a knock on her biography. District lines change over time and childhood residence has no bearing on present eligibility.

Verify it yourselfConfirm Pine Bush is in Orange County (Town of Crawford) via Wikipedia/Census; confirm NY-17 excludes Orange County via the Nextgov district description or the official NY congressional map; confirm her Pine Bush High attendance via her own campaign bio / Pat Tillman Foundation.

1. pattillmanfoundation.org/meet-our-scholars/cait-conley/ — Pat Tillman Foundation scholar bio (Hu
2. leadershipnowproject.org/candidates/cait-conley/ — Leadership Now (fourth-generation Hudson Vall
3. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pine_Bush,_New_York — Pine Bush is in the Town of Crawford, Orange County
4. www.nextgov.com/people/2025/03/former-election-security-official-announces-run-congress-new-york

What the record showsThe National Republican Congressional Committee has publicly branded Conley 'Carpetbaggin' Cait,' signaling the residency/registration line is being prepared as a general-election attack. The branding is partisan, but the underlying registration and residency facts it draws on are non-partisan public records.

EvidenceNRCC, "ICYMI: Carpetbaggin' Cait's No Good, Very Bad Week" (Jan 26, 2026), verbatim: "carpetbaggin' Cait Conley has claimed to live in Ossining, NY, but a bombshell report reveals she _actually_ resides in the ritzy town of New Castle" and a spokeswoman quote: "Carpetbagging Cait Conley can't even be honest with Hudson Valley voters about where she lives."

Independent corroborationNRCC item itself cites the McKay Wilson 'bombshell report'; the residency facts it leans on are independently confirmed in this beat.

What it does not showThis documents that an opposing party is using the residency framing; it is not itself proof of any wrongdoing. The NRCC is a partisan source and its characterization is advocacy, not fact. The site should present the underlying records, not the slogan. NRCC explicitly built its item on McKay Wilson's 'bombshell report,' so the factual spine traces back to the BOE FOIL.

Verify it yourselfOpen the NRCC release (live or Wayback 20260211003037) and confirm the 'Carpetbaggin' Cait' headline and the spokeswoman quote; note the Jan 26, 2026 date.

Primary documents nrcc-carpetbaggin-cait.htmlarchived

1. nrcc.org/2026/01/26/icymi-carpetbaggin-caits-no-good-very-bad-week/ — NRCC 'Carpetbaggin' Cait'

What the record showsThe core residency facts — the March 5, 2025 registration signing, the New Castle residence valued at $759,856, and the Ossining mailing address — trace to a Westchester County Board of Elections FOIL obtained and reported by David McKay Wilson, a 40-year Hudson Valley journalist (35 years at Gannett) publishing the Hudson Valley Digger. The November 2025 Chappaqua vote comes from a separate outlet, the Judge Street Journal. The provenance is documentary public records rather than opposition messaging.

EvidenceMcKay Wilson states he obtained the registration form via the Westchester County Board of Elections and cross-checked the address against New Castle assessment rolls; his Substack bio describes 40 years covering the Lower Hudson Valley, 35 at Gannett. The NRCC and Judge Street Journal items post-date and build on his report.

Independent corroborationTwo independent outlets (McKay Wilson, Judge Street Journal) plus a partisan committee (NRCC) all converge on the New Castle-vs-Ossining residency facts, with Wilson's BOE FOIL as the documentary spine.

What it does not showReaders relying on a single reporter's account should note the original BOE records can be independently FOILed to verify; the registration form and assessment figure rest on Wilson's reporting, and the Chappaqua vote on the Judge Street Journal's. Provenance strengthens reliability but does not, on its own, impute intent.

Verify it yourselfFile a parallel FOIL with the Westchester County Board of Elections for Conley's registration form and voter history to independently confirm Wilson's documents; read his Substack masthead for his 40-year/Gannett provenance.

Primary documents mckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.htmljudgestreetjournal-conley-residence.htmlarchived

1. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — McKay Wilson, BOE FOIL re
2. web.archive.org/web/20260128100302/https://davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional
3. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/dccc-favorite-cait-conley-makes-dubious — Judge Street Journal

What the record showsConley's only named National Leaders are Pat Ryan (NY-18, West Point/Army), Jason Crow (CO-06, former Army Ranger), and Gabby Giffords. No Squad member, no AOC, and no labor-left figure appears among her national individual endorsers — a verified absence (she separately lists ~47 local Hudson Valley officials).

Evidencecaitconley.com/endorsements (re-fetched 6/2026): the page lists exactly three named National Leaders — 'Congressman Pat Ryan (NY-18),' 'Former Congresswoman Gabby Giffords (AZ-8),' and 'Congressman Jason Crow (CO-06)' — and no others.

Independent corroborationEndorsements page (re-fetched) confirms exactly three named individuals; River Journal independently confirms the Crow endorsement.

What it does not showThe absence is scoped to her named human national endorsers; her organizational endorser list does include issue-left/progressive validators (LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, Equality PAC, NRDC Action Fund, End Citizens United, plus J Street via JStreetPAC). Military service of the endorsers is neutral background, not a liability.

Verify it yourselfFetch caitconley.com/endorsements and inventory the named individual endorsers (Pat Ryan, Giffords, Crow); read the Crow endorsement coverage.

Primary documents caitconley-endorsements.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/endorsements/ — Conley endorsements page
2. riverjournalonline.com/around-town/politics/congressman-jason-crow-endorses-cait-conley-for-cong

What the record showsConley has a Lawfare contributor page and appeared as a guest on its October 2024 'Lawfare Daily' episode about CISA and election protection. Lawfare is produced by the Lawfare Institute in cooperation with the Brookings Institution and has taken documented Hewlett Foundation grants, including $300,000 to Brookings 'for the Lawfare blog.'

EvidenceHewlett Foundation grant page (re-fetched via Wayback snapshot 20250216): '$300,000' to 'Brookings' 'for the Lawfare blog' confirmed. Lawfare contributor page and 2024 CISA episode URLs documented (the live contributor page returned 403/JS-blocked on re-fetch but the URL and episode are in the corpus).

Independent corroborationThe Hewlett $300,000 'for the Lawfare blog' grant — the load-bearing institutional-funding fact — confirmed via the archived grant page.

What it does not showShe is a podcast guest/contributor, not a staff editor. Critic Glenn Greenwald's 'courtier Beltway' characterization is his opinion, not a finding of fact. Current Lawfare Institute funders remain an open question (its 990 / 'Support Lawfare' page were not fully accessible).

Verify it yourselfOpen the Lawfare contributor page and 2024 CISA episode; confirm the Hewlett grant ($300,000 to Brookings for the Lawfare blog) via the archived grant page.

1. www.lawfaremedia.org/contributors/cconley — Lawfare contributor page
2. www.lawfaremedia.org/article/lawfare-daily--how-cisa-is-working-to-protect-the-election — Lawfar
3. hewlett.org/grants/brookings-for-the-lawfare-blog/ — Hewlett grant

What the record showsThe committee's amended Form 1 lists its designated agent as Tara Gilligan at PO Box 26430, Tempe AZ 85285 — the New Politics address — names 'New Politics Hellcats' as a joint-fundraising representative at that same Tempe address, and shows the custodian of records and treasurer (Jeremie McCubbin) also at PO Box 26430, Tempe AZ, while the committee's own principal address is PO Box 96, Ossining NY 10562. The New Politics Next Mission Fund and VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund JFRs are also at the Tempe address. The committee separately reported $166,251.27 in transfers from joint-fundraising committees through March 31, 2026.

EvidenceAmended Form 1 Image# 202603129837940265 (read locally): p4 Designated Agent 'Gilligan, Tara' PO Box 26430 Tempe AZ 85285; p3 Custodian/Treasurer McCubbin same Tempe address; p1 principal address PO Box 96 Ossining NY; FEC candidate totals (JFC transfers)

Independent corroborationThe Tempe AZ address recurs across the designated-agent, custodian, treasurer, and three of five JFR fields on the same PDF — internally consistent. The Ossining NY principal address matches the address on the RFAI letter (PO Box 96, Ossining NY 10562).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: using a national slate's joint-fundraising apparatus and a shared designated agent is legal and common for candidates backed by groups like New Politics/VoteVets. This is a disclosure-geography observation, not a compliance finding. The $166,251.27 JFC-transfer figure derives from a prior candidate totals pull not re-verified.

Verify it yourselfRead the designated-agent (p4), custodian (p3), treasurer (p3), and JFR fields on the Form 1 PDF; cross-check the joint-fundraising committee addresses in their own FEC Statements of Organization. Re-pull candidate totals for the $166,251.27 JFC-transfer figure with a working FEC API key.

Primary documents form1-amended-202603129837940265.pdf

1. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/265/202603129837940265/202603129837940265.pdf — Form 1 listing Tempe, AZ de
2. FEC candidate totals, C00900431 — $166,251.27 JFC transfers through 3/31/2026

What the record showsOn Filing ID #10076406, Schedule E (Positions), Schedule F (Agreements), and Schedule J (Compensation in excess of $5,000 from one source) all read 'None disclosed.' That means no deferred-comp, severance, or return-to-consulting arrangement appears, and no recusal or future-employment commitment is on the public record for a candidate carrying defense-AI income into a House campaign.

EvidenceHouse Clerk Filing ID #10076406, Schedules E, F, J (read locally — all three print 'None disclosed.')

Independent corroborationVerified verbatim from the the disclosure PDF; the earlier disclosure #10068477 shows the same three schedules blank, confirming consistency rather than a one-off omission.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: a blank schedule is not by itself an omission or a violation — the resolving documents are her federal OGE Form 278e and any DHS/CISA recusal agreement, not the House candidate file. Whether anything should appear there is a question to put to her, not a proven failure to disclose. (Note: the earlier #10068477 disclosure also showed E/F/J all 'None disclosed,' so this is consistent across both filings.)

Verify it yourselfRead Schedules E, F, and J on #10076406 (the archived copy or Wayback); then FOIA CISA/DHS ethics for her OGE 278e and any recusal/ethics agreement to see what, if anything, those schedules should reflect.

Primary documents house-fd-10076406.pdfhouse-fd-10068477.pdf

1. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/10076406.pdf — Schedules E, F, J mar

What the record showsThrough March 31, 2026 the campaign reported $2,645,257.86 in receipts, spent $1,110,501.84 (a routine 42.0% burn), held $1,534,756.02 cash on hand, carried $0 in loans and $0 in debts, and took a single $7,000 candidate self-contribution (two $3,500 entries on March 24, 2025) — not a loan. Individual contributions totaled roughly $2,362,582.04, so this is overwhelmingly donor-funded, not a self-funder hiding behind her own checkbook.

EvidenceFEC candidate totals and Schedule A, committee C00900431 — from prior data pull, not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationInternally consistent: receipts ($2,645,257.86) and disbursements ($1,110,501.84) match the denominators used in findings 196 and 197. Cash-on-hand ($1,534,756.02) reconciles (receipts minus disbursements). The Form 1 lists Amalgamated Bank as the depository, consistent with a Democratic campaign committee.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is the exculpatory/fairness baseline — none of the conflict findings is a solvency or self-funding story. A debt-free, donor-funded committee with one small self-contribution is unremarkable and lawful. Figures not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfPull candidate totals for C00900431 and confirm $0 loans/$0 debts (working FEC API key required); locate the two $3,500 candidate entries on Schedule A dated 3/24/2025. Note the Form 1 lists DATE 03/24/2025 as the committee organization date, consistent with the self-contribution date.

1. FEC candidate totals, committee C00900431 — receipts, disbursements, cash on hand, loans, debts
2. FEC Schedule A — $7,000 candidate self-contribution (two $3,500 entries, 3/24/2025)

What the record showsConley's recoverable bylined record is thin in prestige and academic venues but thick in 2025-26 campaign content. Her one Foreign Affairs byline (Jan 3, 2024, 'Artificial Intelligence's Threat to Democracy') is co-authored with CISA Director Jen Easterly and Kansas Secretary of State Scott Schwab, not solo. There is no Lawfare/War on the Rocks/Just Security/Defense One essay, no peer-reviewed or standalone West Point CTC paper, no congressional testimony, and no recoverable academic deposit (MIT DSpace returned 0 for 'Conley, Caitlin'; Harvard DASH false positives only).

EvidenceForeign Affairs co-byline independently corroborated via search and the MIT cyberir.mit.edu mirror, which lists 'Jen Easterly, Scott Schwab, Cait Conley.' The corpus documents 0 MIT DSpace results and DASH false positives.

Independent corroborationMIT cyberir.mit.edu mirror + WebSearch independently confirm the three-author co-byline.

What it does not showThinness of a public bylined corpus is a neutral footprint observation, not a knock on her professional work, much of which was classified or institutional. Her D3P think-tank credits are real but contributory, not lead-authored.

Verify it yourselfForeign Affairs page (paywalled, 403) confirms the co-byline via the MIT cyberir mirror and web search; both name Easterly, Schwab, and Conley. Search Google Scholar/SSRN/MIT DSpace/Harvard DASH for any solo academic deposit (none recoverable).

Primary documents fa-ai-democracy-MIT-mirror.htmlarchived

1. www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/artificial-intelligences-threat-democracy
2. cyberir.mit.edu/site/artificial-intelligences-threat-democracy-how-safeguard-us-elections-ai-pow

What the record showsOn her 'Get the Facts' page (caitconley.com/facts/, datePublished 2026-06-03, dateModified 2026-06-05), built as a primary-fight rebuttal to rival Beth Davidson, the campaign states verbatim: 'Cait Conley does not work for or with ICE. Cait Conley does not work for or with Palantir.' The denial is categorical -- it names neither of the consulting firms at the center of the adjacency concern and links no records. The page closes with a signed first-person statement: 'As a decorated combat veteran with multiple combat tours, I've spent my whole career keeping American families safe... I will beat Mike Lawler and serve our community and country with honor and integrity. -- CAIT CONLEY.'

Evidencecaitconley.com/facts/ (live, archived 20260608135839): verbatim 'Cait Conley does not work for or with ICE.' / 'Cait Conley does not work for or with Palantir.'; signed closing 'decorated combat veteran with multiple combat tours... I will beat Mike Lawler and serve our community and country with honor and integrity.'; page also states 'Cait Conley is committed to regulating AI' and 'guardrails for AI.' Schema metadata: datePublished 2026-06-03T13:04, dateModified 2026-06-05T10:4x.

Independent corroborationLive page + Wayback snapshot both confirm the verbatim denials.

What it does not showThis is about the FORM of the denial (categorical, undocumented, firm-anonymous), NOT evidence the denial is false. Per guardrails the surveillance-AI matter stays at ADJACENCY + CONCEALMENT with exculpatory caveats inline: she denies ICE/Palantir work; Primer has zero DHS/CBP/ICE contracts; CISA bought $0 of the product; the adjacency runs through consulting firms she does not name -- not contract-steering and no alleged crime.

Verify it yourselfRead the live or archived /facts/ page: the ICE and Palantir denials are stated flatly, the consulting firms are not named, and no supporting documentation is linked. Schema dateModified is 2026-06-05.

Primary documents caitconley-facts.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/facts/ · archived
2. web.archive.org/web/20260608135839/https://caitconley.com/facts/

What the record showsDespite professional expertise adjacent to surveillance/defense AI, Conley's published AI-policy footprint is thin and re-frames prior credentials. Her /policy/ AI plank is generic ('AI is transforming our country at a rate our current representatives just can't keep up with... corporations will continue to exploit our weak regulations'), framed in social-media-regulation terms, not the surveillance/defense-AI questions closest to her paid work. Her one prestige AI byline (Foreign Affairs, Jan 2024) is co-authored and focused narrowly on election disinformation. The /facts/ page positions her CISA tenure around 'guardrails for AI.'

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy/ AI plank verbatim (live): 'AI is transforming our country at a rate our current representatives just can't keep up with. We have seen this story play out with social media companies before. Left unregulated and unchecked, corporations will continue to exploit our weak regulations...' Foreign Affairs co-bylined piece (election-disinformation focus, confirmed via MIT mirror). /facts/ 'guardrails for AI' framing.

Independent corroborationLive /policy/ + /facts/ + MIT FA mirror cross-checked.

What it does not showThinness of a public AI-policy position is a footprint observation, not proof of avoidance, and not a money/conflict finding (that lives in the surveillance-paycheck/contract beats with their exculpatory caveats). Strictly the gap between her demonstrated expertise and her published positions.

Verify it yourselfRead the verbatim AI plank on the live /policy/ page (generic, social-media-framed) and the 'guardrails for AI' line on /facts/; compare depth to the surveillance/defense-AI subject matter of her paid work. Confirm the FA piece's election-disinformation focus via the MIT mirror.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchivedcaitconley-facts.htmlarchivedfa-ai-democracy-MIT-mirror.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy/
2. caitconley.com/facts/
3. cyberir.mit.edu/site/artificial-intelligences-threat-democracy-how-safeguard-us-elections-ai-pow

What the record showsConley's closing-argument framing leans on Hudson Valley roots -- her Apr 30, 2026 Croton Chronicle guest editorial is headlined 'The Hudson Valley Raised Me. I'm Here to Keep Fighting for It' and opens with family ties ('The Hudson Valley is my home. It gave me a shot at the American Dream'; great-grandfather/grandfather in the Montrose brickyard), and her Facebook launch caption says she's running 'to fight for the community that raised me.' lohud's David McKay Wilson has reported she resides in affluent New Castle while the campaign leans on Ossining ties. Her roots framing sidesteps that distinction.

EvidenceCroton Chronicle guest editorial (live, bylined 'by Cait Conley,' Apr 30 2026): headline + 'The Hudson Valley is my home. It gave me a shot at the American Dream.' Facebook launch caption ('community that raised me'). lohud/David McKay Wilson residency reporting (cited in residency beat sources).

Independent corroborationCroton Chronicle editorial (live) + lohud McKay Wilson residency reporting (separate beat) corroborate the framing-vs-residence tension.

What it does not showA framing observation about message discipline, not a registration/eligibility claim (that belongs to the residency beat). The residency tension is sourced to lohud reporting, not asserted here as a violation.

Verify it yourselfRead the live Croton Chronicle editorial (bylined Conley, Apr 30 2026) for the roots framing, then cross-reference lohud's David McKay Wilson reporting on her New Castle residence (cached in the residency beat).

Primary documents crotonchronicle-hudson-valley-raised-me.htmlarchived

1. thecrotonchronicle.substack.com/p/guest-editorial-the-hudson-valley
2. www.facebook.com/CaitConleyforNY/videos/

What the record showsConley's most revealing authored piece is her CISA departing/farewell essay, 'Defending Democracy: The #PROTECT2024 Chapter in Election Infrastructure Security' (cisa.gov, Jan 17, 2025). It is the only government document carrying her own voice and authority at the peak of her career, and the bridge between her CISA election-security record and the campaign's 'stood up to the Big Lie' framing. The Wayback snapshot confirms the personal byline: 'Released January 17, 2025 By: Cait Conley,' written first-person ('Over the past 238 years, this sacred electoral process has been tested...'). The campaign later reposted a clip as 'Elections are political. Election security isn't.'

EvidenceWayback snapshot 20250117190227 of the cisa.gov page (downloaded): title 'Defending Democracy: The #PROTECT2024 Chapter in Election Infrastructure Security'; 'Released January 17, 2025 By: Cait Conley'; first-person opener. The Register (Jan 18, 2025) flagged the 'Friday afternoon departing essay.'

Independent corroborationWayback snapshot byline + The Register's contemporaneous citation corroborate authorship and date.

What it does not showThe prior pass left the byline 'flagged for final confirmation' (cisa.gov 403s to standard fetch). That caveat is now RESOLVED: the Jan 17, 2025 Wayback capture shows the explicit personal 'By: Cait Conley' byline. Upgraded from partially_confirmed to confirmed. Neutral/favorable content.

Verify it yourselfFetch the Wayback snapshot (cisa.gov 403s live): curl the 20250117190227 capture and search for 'By: Cait Conley' and 'Released January 17, 2025' -- both present, with a first-person body.

Primary documents cisa-protect2024-departing-essay-WAYBACK-20250117.html

1. www.cisa.gov/news-events/news/defending-democracy-protect2024-chapter-election-infrastructure-se · archived
2. web.archive.org/web/20250117190227/https://www.cisa.gov/news-events/news/defending-democracy-pro

What the record showsConley's July 27, 2025 Washington Post opinion piece, 'My military service was questioned. Here is the answer,' is her only nationally-bylined piece defending her record in the first person. It is a solo rebuttal to a July 13, 2025 reader letter (by a Marine Corps veteran -- NOT by Conley, despite her name appearing in that letter's URL slug because the piece concerned her). In it she writes first-person about the 'Special Operations community,' her 'three Bronze Stars,' and deploying 'six times overseas... in active combat zones such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen.'

EvidenceWaPo op-ed full text reposted at caitconley.com (live): title confirmed; references the Marine Corps veteran's letter; first-person passages on Special Operations roles, three Bronze Stars, and combat-zone deployments.

Independent corroborationcaitconley.com repost (live) corroborates the WaPo original (paywalled); disambiguation of the Jul 13 Marine letter confirmed in the text.

What it does not showAbout the rarity and tone of her national first-person byline; does NOT question the service record she defends (NPRC-confirmed). The disambiguation (the Jul 13 letter is the prompt, by a Marine, not her work) is confirmed. Note: this op-ed is also the source for the correction in finding #1 -- she DOES use the superlative descriptors in her own voice here.

Verify it yourselfRead the WaPo op-ed repost on caitconley.com (WaPo original 403s); confirm the title, the first-person Special-Operations/three-Bronze-Stars passages, and the reference to the Marine Corps veteran's prompting letter.

Primary documents caitconley-wapo-military-repost.htmlarchived

1. www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2025/07/27/cait-conley-military-record/
2. caitconley.com/cait-conley-my-military-service-was-questioned-here-is-the-answer/

What the record showsAbout a quarter of Conley's itemized money -- roughly $507,000-$515,000 from ~454-462 donors reporting 'unemployed'/'none'/'not employed' -- comes from people with no listed job. In the household data this repeatedly resolves to the non-working spouses of finance principals: Sue Mandel's $7,000 sits beside Steve Mandel of Lone Pine; Anita Bekenstein's $7,000 beside Joshua Bekenstein of Bain; Deborah Simon's $7,000 (mall-REIT heiress, 'unemployed,' Carmel IN). The signature of Conley's individual base is coastal, credentialed, and capitalized -- a private-equity/hedge-fund/Big-Tech cluster sitting alongside a national-security/government and BigLaw core.

EvidenceMy computation from the FEC Schedule A data (non-memo, positive, individual): UNEMPLOYED/NONE/NOT EMPLOYED = $506,745.60 from 454 distinct donors. Household resolution confirmed in the donor-network data (Sue Mandel UNEMPLOYED beside Steve Mandel/Lone Pine; Anita Bekenstein UNEMPLOYED beside Joshua/Bain; Deborah Simon UNEMPLOYED/Carmel IN).

Independent corroborationThe dollar magnitude was reproduced by filtering the raw Schedule A for the no-job occupation codes and summing ($506,746 / 454 donors). The spouse-of-principal resolution for the named cases (Mandel, Bekenstein, Simon) is confirmed in the donor-network data where the UNEMPLOYED spouse sits beside the finance-firm principal.

What it does not showEmployer/occupation fields are donor-self-reported and don't prove intent; the finance fortune in each household case runs through the husband, not a claim about the wife's own politics. The 'unemployed-spouse' resolution is a documented pattern, not a universal rule. NUMERIC NOTE: my direct count is $506,745.60 / 454 donors vs the finding's $514,696 / 462; the small delta is classification edge cases (whether 'NOT EMPLOYED' is included, refund netting). Substantively confirmed at ~$507k-$515k / ~27% of itemized; recommend citing the conservative computed figure.

Verify it yourselfDownload the Conley itemized individual receipts from fec.gov (C00900431) or use the FEC Schedule A data; filter occupation in {UNEMPLOYED, NONE, NOT EMPLOYED}, exclude memo lines, sum positive amounts (~$507k across ~454 donors). Cross-reference named donors against the household-clustering data to confirm the spouse-of-principal pattern.

1. the FEC Schedule A data (UNEMPLOYED/NONE donors)
2. the household-clustering data (spouse-of-principal resolution)
3. the employer-clustering data (Lone Pine, Bain, D.E. Shaw, Vestar, Sixth Street clusters)

What the record showsNew Politics' candidate bio for Conley contains the line 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, Cait has always answered the call to lead.' VoteVets' announced $1 million ad opens, per City & State NY, 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, she knows where she comes [from].' A super PAC echoing a candidate's recruitment-org bio nearly verbatim is a vivid illustration of a centrally produced message.

Evidencenewpolitics.org/candidates/cait-conley (the 'From combat zones to the Situation Room' phrase appears in the bio body); City & State NY (5/28/2026) quoting the VoteVets ad open verbatim.

Independent corroborationNew Politics bio and City & State's quote of the ad independently confirm the shared phrase.

What it does not showCORRECTION: the 'From combat zones to the Situation Room' phrase is in the New Politics bio but is NOT its opening line — the bio opens 'Cait Conley is a lifelong public servant and proud fourth-generation Hudson Valley native who knows the challenges working families face.' The dossier's claim that the bio 'opens' with the combat-zones line is inaccurate; the line appears later. A super PAC drawing on a candidate's public bio is not by itself proof of coordination, which would be illegal and is not alleged. The full VoteVets ad transcript beyond the opening line is not independently confirmed — lock the exact wording via closed captions or a VoteVets script before quoting beyond the opening line.

Verify it yourself1) Read newpolitics.org/candidates/cait-conley — the bio opens 'Cait Conley is a lifelong public servant and proud fourth-generation Hudson Valley native...'; the 'From combat zones to the Situation Room' phrase appears later in the body. 2) City & State NY (5/28/2026) quotes the VoteVets ad open: 'From combat zones to the Situation Room, she knows where she comes [from].' 3) Compare the two phrasings.

Primary documents newpolitics-cait-conley-bio.htmlcityandstate-votevets-1m-buy.htmlarchived

1. www.newpolitics.org/candidates/cait-conley · archived
2. www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/pro-veterans-pac-launches-1m-ad-boost-conley-ny-17/41380 · archived

What the record showsA Democratic primary mailer (linked to rival Beth Davidson's campaign, ~$25,000 spent) attacked Conley with the line 'Cait Conley Works for an AI firm Helping Trump's DHS & ICE.' Conley responded: 'I do not work for and have never worked for Palantir. I do not work with Trump's despicable immigration enforcement.' The record supports her: she was a W-2 employee/consultant of two vendors (Hidden Level and Primer), not Palantir; both firms' contract books are DoD-only with $0 DHS/CISA; and her FEC report shows no Palantir or Anduril corporate-PAC money.

EvidenceYonkers Times 5/20/2026 (mailer text + Conley denial verbatim); USASpending (DoD-only / $0 DHS for both firms); FEC C00900431 (no corporate-PAC money); Filing ID #10076406 (employers Hidden Level and Primer, not Palantir).

Independent corroborationThe mailer text and Conley's verbatim denial are confirmed via WebFetch of the Yonkers Times piece; the no-Palantir/DoD-only record is confirmed via USASpending API and the disclosure employer list.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the mailer's framing is an overreach. CORRECTION to the beat: the documented attack was a DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY mailer (Davidson camp), NOT a Republican mailer, and the specific phrase 'Palantir operative' is NOT confirmed in any reviewed source — the documented language is 'Works for an AI firm Helping Trump's DHS & ICE.' The accurate framing is that she was paid by two firms in Palantir's orbit, not by Palantir; the defensible charge is adjacency + concealment only. This finding bounds the story honestly.

Verify it yourselfRead the Yonkers Times 5/20/2026 piece for the mailer line 'Cait Conley Works for an AI firm Helping Trump's DHS & ICE' and Conley's denial 'I do not work for and have never worked for Palantir...'; confirm employers on Filing ID #10076406 are Hidden Level/Primer; confirm no Palantir/Anduril corporate-PAC receipts in FEC C00900431.

Primary documents oge-278e-10076406.pdf

1. Yonkers Times, 5/20/2026 - https://yonkerstimes.com/beth-davidson-goes-negative-on-cait-conley-democratic-primary-for-ny-17-june-23/
2. Filing ID #10076406
3. FEC C00900431
4. USASpending.gov (DoD-only / $0 DHS for both firms)

What the record showsPalantir CTO Shyam Sankar was commissioned a Lt. Col. in the Army Reserve's 'Detachment 201: The Army's Executive Innovation Corps' on 2025-06-13 at Joint Base Myer-Henderson Hall, alongside Meta's Andrew Bosworth, OpenAI's Kevin Weil, and Bob McGrew. Military.com (2025-06-27) reported the four 'will not recuse' from DoD business and that there is 'virtually no systemic oversight' of the conflict; the Democracy Defenders Fund formally asked the DoD Inspector General to investigate (2025-07-01). Subsequent reporting (DefenseScoop 2026-06-11) states the Army now treats recusal 'from any matter affecting the financial interests of members of Detachment 201' as 'mandatory.'

EvidenceMilitary.com 2025-06-27 (verbatim: 'virtually no systemic oversight'; names the four executives, June 13, 2025, Detachment 201); democracydefendersfund.org 2025-07-01; DefenseScoop 2026-06-11 (mandatory-recusal update).

Independent corroborationIndependently covered by Task & Purpose, DataCenterDynamics, Snopes (fact-check confirming the commissioning), and DefenseScoop.

What it does not showThis concerns serving-officer/vendor-executive overlap among tech executives — it has NO connection to Conley and is a reported watchdog concern, not a primary government record or a finding about Conley's conduct. A reserve commission is not inherently improper; frame neutrally. The Army has since asserted mandatory recusal, which qualifies the original 'will not recuse' framing.

Verify it yourselfRead Military.com 2025-06-27 for the 'virtually no systemic oversight' language and the four names/commissioning date; read DefenseScoop 2026-06-11 for the Army's later mandatory-recusal statement; cross-check the Democracy Defenders Fund 2025-07-01 release.

1. Military.com 2025-06-27 — Detachment 201 commissioning (June 13, 2025); four executives; 'virtually no systemic oversight'
2. democracydefendersfund.org 2025-07-01 — DoD OIG investigation request
3. DefenseScoop 2026-06-11 — Army says recusal for Detachment 201 members is 'mandatory'

What the record showsHidden Level has paid its outside lobbying firms about $860,000 since 2022 (Hogan Lovells ~$430K + Cornerstone Government Affairs ~$430K, 2022 through 2026 Q1), disproportionate for a ~$5M-revenue firm. Its Hogan Lovells team includes Lisa Ellman, ex-Senator Norm Coleman, ex-FAA Chief Counsel Arjun Garg, and ex-HPSCI Staff Director Tim Bergreen; Cornerstone fields Anthony 'Lazer' Lazarski (ex-SASC). Hidden Level first registered IN-HOUSE lobbying in Q4 2025 (Hidden Level, Inc. as registrant), reporting $204,000 expense lines. Bills lobbied include H.R. 5061, H.R. 6042, and S.1250 (counter-UAS authorities).

EvidenceSenate LDA API (lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings, client_name='Hidden Level', 28 filings): Hogan Lovells $40K+$40K (2022 Q2/Q3), $10K (2023 Q1), $20K (2023 Q2), $120K (2025 Q3, re-engagement), $100K (2025 Q4), $100K (2026 Q1) = ~$430K; Cornerstone $30K+$50K+$50K+$50K (2024) + $50K x4 (2025) + $50K (2026 Q1) = ~$430K; in-house Hidden Level, Inc. registered Q4 2025 with $204K expense lines (Q4 2025 amended + Q1 2026).

Independent corroborationPrimary LDA records are self-authenticating; the amount is now computed from source rather than asserted.

What it does not showA secondary tracker undercounts Hidden Level at ~$660K because it missed Hogan Lovells' Q3 2025 re-engagement ($120K) plus Q4 2025/2026 Q1. The ~$5M 2024 revenue anchor (CB Insights) is contested by CEO Jeff Cole's statement that the firm doesn't disclose revenue. This is the lobbying footprint of a Conley consulting client; it does NOT establish that Conley lobbied or directed any of it. Present the dollar figure as ~$860K with the sourcing caveat foregrounded.

Verify it yourselfGET https://lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings/?client_name=Hidden+Level (paginate), sum income/expense lines deduping amendments (2A/3A supersede Q2/Q3 2022): outside-firm total = $860,000 (Hogan Lovells $430K + Cornerstone $430K). In-house Hidden Level, Inc. registered Q4 2025 with $204K expense lines.

1. lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings — Hidden Level lobbying filings (Hogan Lovells, Cornerstone Government Affairs, in-house Hidden Level Inc. registered Q4 2025)
2. hoganlovells.com / cgagroup.com — lobbyist bios (Ellman, Coleman, Garg, Bergreen, Lazarski)
3. Legis1 — H.R. 5061, H.R. 6042, S.1250

What the record showsPalantir's 2026 proxy discloses the company paid its executives' Hart-Scott-Rodino (HSR) antitrust filing fees of $2.39 million (Karp), $425,000 (Cohen), and $105,000 (Sankar), signaling they crossed HSR ownership thresholds on PLTR stock. The proxy also discloses Karp received ~$2,506,484 in personal-security costs and ~$1,998,476 in chartered-aircraft costs, plus a 'travel stipend' paid in quarterly installments.

EvidenceSEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 (verified verbatim): 'Hart-Scott-Rodino Antitrust Improvement Act of 1976 ... on behalf of each of Messrs. Karp, Cohen, and Sankar in the amounts of $2.39 million, $425,000 and $105,000, respectively'; '$2,390,000, which was paid by Palantir on behalf of Mr. Karp'; '$2,506,484 in costs related to personal security services'; '$1,998,476 in costs related to the use of chartered aircraft'; 'travel stipend ... paid to Mr. Karp in quarterly installments.'

Independent corroborationHSR fees appear in both the perquisites narrative and the Karp-specific footnote within the same primary proxy.

What it does not showA Palantir compensation-governance fact with no Conley dimension; orbit-context color. The HSR fees indicate large personal PLTR holdings by insiders. Note: the original finding's '$800K travel stipend' specific figure was not isolated in (the proxy confirms a quarterly travel stipend exists but the $800K number should be re-checked against the Summary Compensation Table before publishing that exact figure); 'Shyam Cohen' in the original is a typo for the executive surnamed Cohen.

Verify it yourselfSearch the archived proxy for 'Hart-Scott-Rodino' and '2.39 million' — the $2.39M/$425K/$105K split appears verbatim in the executive-compensation footnotes.

Primary documents palantir-def14a-2026.htm

1. SEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 — HSR fees $2.39M (Karp) / $425K (Cohen) / $105K (Sankar); Karp security ~$2.5M and aircraft ~$2.0M; quarterly travel stipend

What the record showsIn November 2025, Conley voted in Chappaqua, not in the Ossining her campaign touts — establishing an in-district vote consistent with her actual New Castle residence.

EvidenceJudge Street Journal, Timmy Facciola, Jan 28, 2026, verbatim: "Conley's home is technically part of the Town of New Castle—a neighboring municipality that includes the hamlets of Chappaqua and Millwood. In November, Conley voted in Chappaqua, not Ossining."

Independent corroborationSingle named outlet (Judge Street Journal). The New Castle/Millwood residence underlying the Chappaqua-precinct vote is independently corroborated by McKay Wilson and NRCC. The vote itself is single-sourced pending a direct BOE voter-file pull.

What it does not showSOURCE CORRECTION: the November Chappaqua vote is NOT in the McKay Wilson article (which the draft cited); it appears only in the Judge Street Journal (Facciola). Re-attributed accordingly. The article cites 'information provided to' the Journal, a step removed from the underlying BOE record, so the vote should ideally be confirmed against the Westchester County voter file directly. The vote in Chappaqua rather than Ossining is consistent with her documented New Castle/Millwood residence — neutral fact, not disqualifying.

Verify it yourselfRead the the archived copy or the live JSJ article for "In November, Conley voted in Chappaqua, not Ossining." Then pull Conley's voter-history record from the Westchester County Board of Elections / NY State voter file to confirm the November 2025 ballot and precinct directly.

Primary documents judgestreetjournal-conley-residence.htmlarchived

1. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/dccc-favorite-cait-conley-makes-dubious — Timmy Facciola, Judg

What the record showsSeth Moulton's Serve America PAC (FEC committee C00571174) took about $18,000 in the 2026 cycle from defense/aerospace contractor PACs: Employees of RTX Corporation (Raytheon) PAC $5,000 (8/19/2025); Leidos Inc. PAC $5,000 ($2,500 on 10/9 + $2,500 on 12/26); Honeywell International PAC $4,000 ($1,000 on 4/8 + $3,000 on 6/30); K2 Space Corporation PAC $2,500 (12/14); and GE Aerospace PAC $1,500 (9/10). These firms underwrote the leadership PAC that recruited Conley into the race.

EvidenceFresh FEC pull of Serve America PAC C00571174 Schedule A (2026 cycle, committee-from-committee receipts), saved locally: RTX $5,000; Honeywell $3,000 + $1,000 = $4,000; Leidos $2,500 + $2,500 = $5,000; K2 Space $2,500; GE Aerospace $1,500. Sum = $18,000.

Independent corroborationAll five contractor-PAC contributions confirmed by a fresh FEC API pull of C00571174 (saved locally); component figures recomputed to $18,000 total.

What it does not showThis is a funding-network observation about the PAC that recruited her, not a direct gift to Conley or any claim about her votes. Serve America gave Conley's campaign $5,000 directly (plus $5,500 in conduit pass-throughs). CORRECTION: the aggregate is $18,000, not the $21,000 stated in the draft — the five named component figures themselves sum to $18,000; the $21,000 was an arithmetic error.

Verify it yourselfPull Serve America PAC (C00571174) Schedule A on FEC.gov, filter to is_individual=false and two_year_transaction_period=2026, and locate the RTX/Leidos/Honeywell/GE Aerospace/K2 Space PAC receipts; sum = $18,000.

Primary documents fec-serveamerica-C00571174-receipts-2026.json

1. www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00571174/ — FEC, Serve America PAC committee-to-committee receipts
2. Local: fec-serveamerica-C00571174-receipts-2026.json

What the record showsThe CAIT FOR NEW YORK committee (C00900431) has filed its original Statement of Organization plus seven amendments — eight total Form 1 filings — in roughly one year (per the FEC committee filing index, file numbers 1882322 through 1952889). The February 20, 2026 version listed three joint-fundraising entities; the March 12, 2026 amended version (Image# 202603129837940265) lists five joint-fundraising representatives: New Politics Hellcats, New Politics Next Mission Fund, The Bench Fund, The Democratic Bench Fund, and the VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund.

EvidenceFEC API committee filing index, Form 1 file numbers 1882322 → 1952889; amended Form 1 Image# 202603129837940265 read locally — pages 3, 5, 6, 7, 8 each list one JFR (New Politics Hellcats; New Politics Next Mission Fund; The Bench Fund; The Democratic Bench Fund; VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund)

Independent corroborationThe five-JFR list is independently confirmed by reading all 8 pages of the amended Form 1 PDF. The three-vs-five before/after is consistent with the RFAI cure (VoteVets Hellcat Victory Fund was the newly added entity).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: amending a Statement of Organization is routine and lawful; frequent amendments are an administrative-churn observation, not a violation. The eight-filing count and the file-number range derive from a prior FEC API pull and could not be re-pulled (DEMO_KEY rate-limited), so a reporter should re-run the filing index before printing the exact count. The five-JFR list for the March 12 version is verified directly from the PDF.

Verify it yourselfPull committee/C00900431/filings from the FEC API filtered to form_type F1 (a working api.data.gov key is required — DEMO_KEY is rate-limited at 40/hr) and diff the version chain on docquery.fec.gov. Confirm the five JFRs by reading the March 12, 2026 amended Form 1 (the archived copy or Wayback).

Primary documents form1-amended-202603129837940265.pdf

1. FEC API committee/C00900431 filings (Form 1 file numbers 1882322 → 1952889)
2. docquery.fec.gov/pdf/265/202603129837940265/202603129837940265.pdf — March 12, 2026 amended Form

What the record showsIn her bylined Sept 11, 2025 lohud/Journal News 9/11 op-ed, Conley writes precisely and checkably: 'I went to West Point, served 16 years in the U.S. Army, and deployed six times overseas serving in combat zones like Iraq and Afghanistan.' In that op-ed body she does not call herself 'special ops,' 'decorated,' or list 'three Bronze Stars.' Those escalated descriptors -- 'decorated special ops combat veteran,' 'one of the first women in Special Ops leadership,' 'three Bronze Stars,' 'banned from Russia' -- appear in the third-person campaign homepage bio and press releases. IMPORTANT NUANCE confirmed on re-verification: she DOES use the strongest descriptors in her own first-person voice in her July 27, 2025 Washington Post op-ed, where she writes about the 'Special Operations community,' that 'my military service awards [include] three Bronze Stars,' and that she deployed 'six times overseas... in active combat zones such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen.' So this is a message-framing observation about her plainer 9/11/local op-eds versus the campaign copy and her one national rebuttal -- not a claim that she never uses the descriptors herself.

EvidenceSept 11, 2025 9/11 op-ed verbatim bio (caitconley.com repost, live, archived 20260311005837): 'I went to West Point, served 16 years in the U.S. Army, and deployed six times overseas serving in combat zones like Iraq and Afghanistan to hold those who attacked America on 9/11 accountable.' Homepage 'Meet Cait' bio (live, archived 20260608135842): '16 years as an active-duty Army officer, deploying overseas six times to combat zones,' 'one of the first women in Special Ops leadership,' 'awarded three Bronze Stars,' 'decorated... special ops combat veteran,' 'Director for Counterterrorism on the National Security Council... which led to her being banned from Russia.' WaPo repost (live): 'Special Operations community, where I held operational roles from team leader to global joint task force operations officer'; 'three Bronze Stars'; 'six times overseas and serving in active combat zones such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen.'

Independent corroborationHomepage bio (independent live page) + WaPo repost (independent live page) + 9/11 op-ed all cross-checked verbatim.

What it does not showThis is about authorial voice/message framing, NOT the service record, which is independently NPRC-confirmed (no stolen-valor framing; keep neutral). The 16-years/six-deployments/Iraq-and-Afghanistan/West Point core is internally consistent everywhere. CORRECTION to the prior framing: the claim that the superlatives appear 'never in her bylined first-person prose' is overstated -- she uses 'Special Operations,' 'three Bronze Stars,' and the broader combat-zone list in her own first-person WaPo op-ed. The defensible version is op-ed-specific (plain in the 9/11 piece; superlative in the campaign copy and her national rebuttal).

Verify it yourselfRead the verbatim military-bio sentence in the live/archived 9/11 op-ed (plain), then the homepage bio (superlative), then the WaPo op-ed repost -- which shows she uses 'Special Operations,' 'three Bronze Stars,' and the combat-zone list in her OWN first-person voice. The gap is between the 9/11/local op-eds and the campaign copy, not an absolute absence from her byline.

Primary documents caitconley-911-oped.htmlarchivedcaitconley-homepage.htmlarchivedcaitconley-wapo-military-repost.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/9-11-families-need-closure-lets-hold-saudi-arabia-accountable-opinion/ · archived
2. www.yahoo.com/news/articles/9-11-families-closure-lets-081225130.html
3. caitconley.com/ · archived
4. caitconley.com/cait-conley-my-military-service-was-questioned-here-is-the-answer/
5. web.archive.org/web/20260311005837/https://caitconley.com/9-11-families-need-closure-lets-hold-s

What the record showsThe phrases 'one of the first women in Special Ops leadership' and 'three Bronze Stars' appear in the caitconley.com homepage bio (third-person staff copy), not in her plainer 9/11/local op-ed bodies, which use only '16 years,' 'six deployments,' 'combat zones,' 'Iraq and Afghanistan,' 'West Point.' The Coffee With Cait press release does NOT say the often-quoted 'Six combat deployments targeting terrorists'; its verbatim text is 'Cait served 16 years as an active duty Army officer, deploying six times to take down the world's most dangerous terrorists, and later led counterterrorism efforts on the National Security Council.' This is strictly about WHERE the punchier framings appear (staff/PAC-style copy) versus her plainer op-ed prose -- not a verification challenge to any decoration, which the NPRC record confirms.

EvidenceHomepage bio (live, archived 20260608135842): 'one of the first women in Special Ops leadership'; 'awarded three Bronze Stars for displaying "the highest degree..."'. Coffee With Cait press release (live): 'deploying six times to take down the world's most dangerous terrorists, and later led counterterrorism efforts on the National Security Council.' The exact string 'Six combat deployments targeting terrorists' does NOT appear in the live press release.

Independent corroborationTwo independent live campaign pages (homepage + press release) cross-checked.

What it does not showDoes NOT cast doubt on the service record (NPRC-confirmed; the count of Bronze Stars is not in question -- no award-record skepticism). Strictly an observation about descriptor provenance and a quote correction. The 'three Bronze Stars' line is confirmed by the record and also appears in her own WaPo op-ed; it is not flagged here for primary-record verification.

Verify it yourselfRead the homepage bio for the superlatives, then read the live Coffee With Cait press release -- it says 'deploying six times to take down the world's most dangerous terrorists,' not 'Six combat deployments targeting terrorists.' Compare against the plainer 9/11 op-ed phrasing.

Primary documents caitconley-homepage.htmlarchivedcaitconley-coffee-with-cait.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/ · archived
2. caitconley.com/cait-conley-sits-down-with-voters-in-all-four-counties-of-ny-17-in-coffee-with-ca

What the record showsConley's D3P/Belfer credits are genuine but never as lead or first author. On the State and Local Election Cybersecurity Playbook v1.1 (Feb 15, 2018) she is listed among ~19 co-authors/contributors credited 'Caitlin Conley, Executive Director, D3P' -- an institutional leadership credit, not a first-author byline. On the 2017 Cybersecurity Campaign Playbook she is a contributor ('student, HKS') under co-directors Rosenbach, Mook, and Rhoades. On the communications guides/templates she carries the 'Executive Director, D3P' credit; her individual drafting contribution is not separately distinguishable.

EvidenceBelfer State & Local Playbook v1.1 PDF (downloaded; pdftotext confirms): 'Version 1.1: February 15, 2018'; the Authors and Contributors block lists 'Caitlin Conley, Executive Director, D3P' among names including Berger, Alperovitch, Chretien, Bisen, Bagley, D'Amato, Davis Tavera, Fehst, Kothari, Krey, Kuzma, etc.

Independent corroborationPrimary PDF text extraction confirms the credit line and author-block placement.

What it does not showNot a claim she misrepresented her role. CORRECTION to ordinal: the prior finding called her '3rd in an alphabetical list'; in the printed v1.1 PDF (two-column, not strictly alphabetical) she appears 5th (Berger, Alperovitch, Chretien, Bisen, Conley). The load-bearing point (contributory/Executive-Director credit among ~19+, not lead/first author) is confirmed; only the exact ordinal differs.

Verify it yourselfOpen belfer-statelocal-playbook-v1.1.pdf and read the 'Authors and Contributors' block: 'Caitlin Conley, Executive Director, D3P' appears among ~19 names (5th in the printed layout), credited by institutional role, not as first author.

Primary documents belfer-statelocal-playbook-v1.1.pdf

1. www.belfercenter.org/publication/state-and-local-election-cybersecurity-playbook
2. www.belfercenter.org/sites/default/files/2024-08/StateLocalPlaybook%201.1-2.pdf
3. www.belfercenter.org/publication/cybersecurity-campaign-playbook

What the record showsConley's SALT plank (verbatim on caitconley.com/policy/ after the standalone /salt/ post body was emptied) calls for 'Ending entirely the Trump and Lawler-imposed SALT tax cap, which did not exist for over 100 years until Trump instituted it in 2017... and was set to expire, until Lawler voted to make it pe[rmanent].' The 'made it permanent' framing is contestable: the 2025 reconciliation law (P.L. 119-21) raised the SALT cap temporarily to $40,000 (rising 1%/yr 2026-2029, reverting to $10,000 in 2030) rather than making the original cap permanent, and Lawler was a key member of the bipartisan bloc that pushed to RAISE the cap.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy/ SALT plank verbatim (live): 'Trump and Lawler-imposed SALT tax cap... was set to expire, until Lawler voted to make it pe[rmanent].' WP REST API confirms /salt/ post id 658, slug 'salt', content.rendered is empty (''). Independent: the 2025 reconciliation law raised the cap to $40k temporarily (reverts to $10k in 2030); Lawler was a leading advocate for raising the cap.

Independent corroborationCongress.gov CRS + WaPo independently confirm the temporary $40k cap and Lawler's raise-advocacy, validating the 'contestable' verdict.

What it does not showConley's broader point -- that the SALT cap hurts high-tax-state constituents -- is a legitimate policy position. The contestable element is specifically the 'made it permanent' phrasing, which a fact-checker would flag against the temporary $40k increase and Lawler's pro-raise record. A framing observation, not a claim her stance is wrong; nothing alleges wrongdoing.

Verify it yourselfRead the SALT plank verbatim on the live /policy/ page; confirm /salt/ post 658 body is empty via wp-json/wp/v2/posts/658; then check the CRS summary of P.L. 119-21 (temporary $40k cap reverting to $10k in 2030) and reporting that Lawler pushed to raise the cap.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchivedcaitconley-salt-post658.json

1. caitconley.com/policy/ · archived
2. caitconley.com/salt/
3. www.congress.gov/crs-product/R48611
4. www.washingtonpost.com/business/2025/07/09/salt-trump-tax-bill-gop/

What the record showsPrimer's Federal Advisory Board clusters retired general/flag officers: Lt. Gen. (ret) Bob Ashley (ex-DIA Director), Gen. (ret) Stephen Townsend (ex-AFRICOM), Lt. Gen. (ret) Charlie Moore (ex-Deputy CYBERCOM), V. Adm. (ret) Collin Green (ex-Deputy USSOCOM), Maj. Gen. (ret) Daniel Simpson (USAF), plus ex-CIA officials Wayne McCool (former Associate Deputy Director for Analysis) and Ted Singer (former Assistant Director, Near East Mission Center), and Sue Gordon (ex-Principal Deputy DNI). MG (ret) Clay Hutmacher sits on the board.

Evidenceprimer.ai/leadership (verified verbatim via WebFetch): Ashley 'Ret. Lieutenant General ... Former Director, Defense Intelligence Agency'; Townsend 'Former Commander, U.S. Africa Command'; Moore 'Former Deputy Commander, U.S. Cyber Command'; Green 'Former Deputy Commander, U.S. Special Operations Command'; McCool 'Former Associate Deputy Director for Analysis, Central Intelligence Agency'; Singer 'Former Assistant Director, Near East Mission Center, CIA'; Gordon 'Former Principal Deputy Director, ODNI'; Hutmacher 'Major General (ret), US Army.'

Independent corroborationSelf-published primary roster; the confirmed subset is internally consistent and matches the dossier exactly.

What it does not showA corporate-governance/personnel description of a firm Conley reportedly consulted for; it does not implicate Conley, who is not on these boards. Sourced to the company's own leadership page (primary as to roster, but self-published). Raymond Thomas III, VeraLinn Jamieson, and advisor Brett McGurk were not surfaced in's WebFetch extract (JS-rendered page); confirm before publishing those specific names.

Verify it yourselfOpen the archived copy (or primer.ai/leadership) and confirm the advisory-board and board names/titles. Note the page is JS-rendered.

Primary documents primer-leadership.html

1. primer.ai/leadership — Federal Advisory Board (Ashley, Townsend, Moore, Green, Simpson, McCool, Singer, Gordon), board member Hutmacher

What the record showsThe 'rebel alliance'/defense-tech consortium reporting (Anduril/Palantir/SpaceX/OpenAI/Saronic bidding Pentagon work together against legacy primes) is the narrative frame binding Anduril to Palantir. The DOCUMENTED hard links are only: (1) Thiel's >10% personal stakes in both firms, (2) Palantir's $40M Anduril stake plus $17.66M of 2025 revenue from Anduril, and (3) the Hidden Level->Lattice demo (not a partnership). The positioning also relies on the same legacy primes it markets against — Lockheed and Booz Allen are investors in cluster firms.

EvidencePalantir DEF 14A pltr-20260423 (Thiel stakes; $40M/$17.66M, verified verbatim); consortium reporting (financial press) for the narrative frame.

Independent corroborationProxy facts internally corroborated; consortium framing is multi-outlet but inference-level by nature.

What it does not showExplicitly distinguishes documented links (primary, items 1-2) from the consortium narrative (reporting/inference). None of it is a Conley relationship. Item 3 (Lattice) is itself only a demo per the separate Maven-link finding.

Verify it yourselfSeparate the proxy-grade facts (Thiel stakes, $40M/$17.66M — verifiable in the archived proxy) from press-grade consortium framing; cite the former as primary and the latter as reporting only.

Primary documents palantir-def14a-2026.htm

1. SEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 — Thiel >10% stakes; Palantir $40M Anduril stake + $17.66M revenue
2. Financial-press 'rebel alliance'/defense-tech consortium reporting

What the record showsConley's documented Gaza posture is a hedge — at the JDCA forum she favored a third-party peacekeeping force and reconstruction aid but took no ceasefire or conditioning position, and her platform carries one two-state sentence. Meanwhile the outside apparatus amplifies her standing: a VoteVets-commissioned GSG internal poll (released with the $1M ad-buy announcement, memo dated late May 2026) put Conley at a soft 29% with 38% undecided. This is a partisan poll from her largest independent-expenditure backer, not an independent survey — it suggests, but does not prove, that a consolidating ceasefire-aligned vote could be decisive.

EvidenceVoteVets press release ('Releases Poll Showing Her With Growing Lead,' dated 2026-05-28, saved locally) and City & State coverage for the poll; caitconley.com/policy and the archived Jewish Insider JDCA forum remarks for the hedge.

Independent corroborationthe archived VoteVets release confirms the poll's existence and 'growing lead' framing and the 2026-05-28 date; City & State NY independently covers the $1M boost and the poll. The hedge is locked by the archived Jewish Insider JDCA quotes and the archived policy HTML.

What it does not showThe 29%/38%-undecided figures come from a poll commissioned by her largest IE funder and should be treated as partisan, not independent. The specific 29%/38% numbers appear in the GSG memo / City & State write-up rather than the press-release body (the archived release confirms the poll's existence and 'growing lead' framing but does not print the 29%/38% split in plain text). The inference that a consolidating ceasefire-aligned vote could decide the race is analysis, not a verified outcome.

Verify it yourselfRead the archived copy (confirms the poll and 'growing lead,' dated 2026-05-28) and the City & State write-up for the 29%/38% figures and sponsorship; compare to the archived policy page and the archived Jewish Insider JDCA remarks for the hedge.

Primary documents votevets-1m-conley.htmlarchivedcaitconley-policy.htmlarchived

1. VoteVets GSG internal poll memo (released ~2026-05-28; 29% / 38% undecided per City & State)
2. City & State NY — coverage of the VoteVets $1M ad boost and poll
3. caitconley.com/policy + Jewish Insider JDCA forum coverage (her hedge)

What the record showsThe earliest in-district vote documented in this record is the November 2025 Chappaqua ballot — within the same cycle as her campaign, and following her March 2025 registration. The record in hand does not document earlier NY-17 voting by Conley.

EvidenceJudge Street Journal (Nov 2025 Chappaqua vote); McKay Wilson (March 5, 2025 registration tied to a new NY driver's license).

Independent corroborationRegistration date and vote each independently sourced; no source documents an earlier NY-17 vote.

What it does not showAbsence of earlier in-district votes in these two articles is not proof none exist; a full voter-history pull could show more. Presented as the limit of the documented record, not as a claim that she never voted in the district before. The March 2025 registration coinciding with a new NY driver's license is fully consistent with a recent, genuine move.

Verify it yourselfPull Conley's complete NY voter-history record from the State/Westchester BOE to confirm whether any in-district votes predate November 2025.

Primary documents judgestreetjournal-conley-residence.htmlarchivedmckaywilson-conley-residence-ARCHIVED-20260128.html

1. judgestreetjournal.substack.com/p/dccc-favorite-cait-conley-makes-dubious — Nov 2025 Chappaqua v
2. davidmckaywilson.substack.com/p/conleys-congressional-campaign-touts — March 5, 2025 registratio

What the record showsWhile serving as Senior Advisor to the CISA Director, Conley appeared on Forgepoint Capital's branded podcast 'The Forgecast' in an episode titled 'Secure Elections and Defending Democracy with Cait Conley,' interviewed by Forgepoint Managing Director Andrew McClure (published November 2024, days before the election). Forgepoint's Global Advisory Council includes Gen. (Ret.) Keith Alexander (former NSA Director), Kirstjen Nielsen (former DHS Secretary), Teresa Shea (former NSA SIGINT director), and Matthew Olsen (former DOJ Assistant AG for National Security), among others.

EvidenceWebSearch (6/2026) confirms the Forgecast episode exists at forgepointcap.com, interviewed by 'Forgepoint Capital Managing Director Andrew McClure,' published 'November 2024,' with Conley described as 'Senior Advisor at CISA' and former 'Executive Director of the bipartisan Defending Digital Democracy Project.' Wayback snapshot of the episode page exists (20251216215226). YouTube ID Eu6KF364x9Y matches.

Independent corroborationWebSearch confirms the episode, host (McClure), date (Nov 2024), and Conley's CISA/D3P bio; a Wayback snapshot of the episode page exists; the repo dossier confirms the OGE 278e #10076406 (no Forgepoint entry) exculpatory point.

What it does not showConley's OGE Form 278e (#10076406, confirmed referenced in repo dossier) lists NO Forgepoint position, board seat, or compensation; no paid Forgepoint relationship is documented and none may be implied. This is an appearance-of-conflict question — specifically whether CISA ethics/public affairs cleared the appearance — not an allegation of wrongdoing or a paid relationship. [scope-narrowed per guardrail]

Verify it yourselfView the Forgecast episode page (snapshot 20251216215226) and YouTube date; cross-check Forgepoint's advisory council; confirm no Forgepoint entry on OGE 278e #10076406.

1. forgepointcap.com/forgecast/secure-elections-and-defending-democracy-with-cait-conley/ — Forgepo
2. www.youtube.com/watch?v=Eu6KF364x9Y — YouTube
3. forgepointcap.com/advisor-type/executives/ — Forgepoint advisory council

What the record showsEric Rosenbach's arc ran Assistant Secretary of Defense (2014–15) → Pentagon Chief of Staff to SecDef Ash Carter (2015–17) → Belfer co-director / D3P co-founder, then private-sector cybersecurity consulting. Conley's path parallels it: NSC/CISA → Belfer/D3P → CISA → paid consultant to Hidden Level/Primer → congressional run. Rosenbach, her former institutional boss, gave her $1,000.

EvidenceHKS announcement (re-fetched) confirms Rosenbach as 'Co-Director of the Belfer Center and former Assistant Secretary of Defense' and D3P co-founder. the itemized-individual data confirms ROSENBACH, ERIC $1,000 (2025-05-29). The Intercept 2/9/2026 covers Conley's private-consulting (Hidden Level/Primer) arc.

Independent corroborationHKS announcement and the FEC export ($1,000 gift) are hard-confirmed; the career-parallel is a labeled observation drawn from public bios.

What it does not showThis is a parallel-careers observation and a labeled inference about how a think-tank perch converts government clearance into private-sector consulting value — not an allegation of wrongdoing. The unnamed consulting firm in Rosenbach's bio should not be asserted as fact. The $1,000 donation is hard FEC fact. [scope-narrowed per guardrail]

Verify it yourselfCompare Rosenbach's public bio to Conley's career timeline; confirm his $1,000 on Conley's FEC Schedule A (the itemized-individual data).

1. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eric_Rosenbach — Rosenbach bio
2. www.belfercenter.org/person/eric-rosenbach — Belfer bio
3. theintercept.com/2026/02/09/new-york-cait-conley-ai-palantir-dhs/ — The Intercept
4. FEC, CAIT FOR NEW YORK Schedule A — Rosenbach $1,000

What the record showsThrough March 31, 2026, contribution refunds totaled $15,819.85 — a 0.60% refund rate against $2,645,257.86 in receipts. Molly Dyson-Schwery gave $14,000 gross (twice the $7,000 primary-plus-general cap) and had $7,000 refunded March 16, 2026; an unattributed LLC gift from DLG LTD. ($500) was refunded December 31, 2025, consistent with the rule that LLCs may give only if attributed to members (11 CFR 110.1(g)). SANNARGOT LLC's $3,500 December 31 refund is not an attribution problem — it is a properly attributed earmark conduit (for Steven Lipin of Gladstone Place Partners) whose refund reflects a duplicate-entry cleanup. A $301 refund to recurring donor Joseph Whorton on $114 of giving appears to be a chargeback/duplicate cleanup.

EvidenceFEC the FEC Schedule A data (refund entries); FEC candidate totals — figures from prior data pull; not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationInternally consistent with the candidate totals receipts figure ($2,645,257.86) used in the fairness-anchor finding (208), which shares the same underlying pull.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: refunding an over-limit or unattributed contribution is the correct, lawful cure — these are optics items, not violations. The SANNARGOT and Whorton entries are not attribution problems and should not be characterized as such. The dollar figures derive from a prior Schedule A / candidate totals pull and were not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfFilter Schedule A of the committee's reports for negative/refund entries (a working FEC API key is required — DEMO_KEY rate-limited) and match the over-limit and LLC-attribution items to 11 CFR 110.1(g) and the $7,000 aggregate cap. Confirm the Dyson-Schwery $7,000 refund (3/16/2026) and the DLG LTD. $500 refund (12/31/2025).

1. FEC Schedule A (the FEC Schedule A data), committee C00900431 — refund entries
2. FEC candidate totals, C00900431 — receipts and refund totals through 3/31/2026

What the record showsSchedule B aggregation shows a single DC digital firm captured $358,666.21 — 'SB DIGITAL, INC.' ($298,466.21) plus 'SBD DIGITAL, INC.' ($54,200.00) plus 'SB DIGITAL, INC' ($6,000.00) — for 'Digital & Fundraising Services' / 'Digital Media Advertising.' That is 32.3% of the $1,110,501.84 in total disbursements through March 31, 2026. The dual SB/SBD spelling is a consistency flag, and it is unresolved whether any of the $358,666 is a pass-through to subcontractors (ad buys, list rental) whose true end recipients are not separately disclosed.

EvidenceFEC Schedule B (the disbursement data), committee C00900431 — figures from prior data pull; not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationThe $1,110,501.84 total-disbursements denominator matches the fairness-anchor finding (208) from the same underlying pull, so the 32.3% share is internally consistent.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: vendor concentration and a spelling inconsistency are not violations; pass-through digital vendors are standard. Whether SB Digital and SBD Digital are the same entity, and whether memo-itemization of sub-vendors is required, is unconfirmed. The dollar figures were not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfAggregate Schedule B by payee (working FEC API key required); confirm the SB/SBD entries, pull SB Digital's DC/state LLC registration and any of its own FEC vendor disclosures, and check the campaign's memo-itemization of digital ad placements.

1. FEC Schedule B (the disbursement data), committee C00900431 — SB/SBD Digital line items totaling $358,666.21

What the record showsAnduril Industries cofounder Matthew Grimm gave Conley $5,000 (net after a $1,500 cut) and Kimberly Grimm added $5,000 — a $10,000 household total (FEC C00900431). Anduril cofounder Palmer Luckey has separately funded incumbent Mike Lawler with $3,500, two $3,300 checks, and $2,000 (FEC C00815415). Separately, Anduril and Hidden Level — Conley's former employer, which paid her about $328,000 — share a venture backer in DFJ Growth.

EvidenceFEC committee C00900431 (Conley) and C00815415 (Lawler) individual-contribution records — from prior data pull, not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited); cap-table reporting on DFJ Growth backing of Anduril and Hidden Level

Independent corroborationCould not re-pull FEC individual records (API rate-limited). Carried from prior verified pull. No independent corroboration added this round; the DFJ Growth shared-backer claim should be re-checked against PitchBook/Crunchbase before printing.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: there is no claim of coordination or quid pro quo, and Conley holds no Anduril CORPORATE money — the Grimms are individuals, not the company, and Conley denies any Palantir/ICE work. Two cofounders' households giving to different candidates is an inference of a hedge, NOT a documented company strategy. The DFJ Growth shared-backer point is a cap-table observation, not evidence of contract-steering. Per the scope-narrow guardrail, the 'fund both sides' framing should be stated as a documented fact (named individuals gave to each campaign) with the hedge clearly labeled as inference. The contribution figures were not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfSearch FEC individual-contribution records for 'Grimm' to C00900431 and 'Luckey' to C00815415 (working FEC API key required — DEMO_KEY rate-limited); confirm DFJ Growth's investments in Anduril and Hidden Level via PitchBook/Crunchbase.

1. FEC committee C00900431 — Matthew Grimm $5,000 and Kimberly Grimm $5,000 to Conley
2. FEC committee C00815415 — Palmer Luckey contributions to Lawler

What the record showsHai Peng, a policy advisor at lobbying firm BGR Group, gave Conley $7,000 (FEC C00900431). BGR's broader footprint tilts toward Lawler — roughly $34,000 versus about $8,000 to Conley — and BGR's PAC has spread $2,500 plus $30,000 apiece to the DSCC and DCCC. For a candidate whose résumé runs through the Biden NSC and CISA, a registered-lobbyist patron giving to both sides of the district race is a documented overlap.

EvidenceFEC committees C00900431 (Conley), C00815415 (Lawler), C00359588 (BGR PAC / party committees) — from prior data pull, not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationCould not re-pull FEC records (API rate-limited). Carried from prior verified pull; aggregate splits should be re-run against raw files.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: lobbyist and bipartisan-access giving is legal and common; nothing here alleges Conley promised anything in return. The BGR-to-Lawler vs BGR-to-Conley dollar split and the PAC's party-committee gifts are aggregate cross-match figures that a reporter should re-run against the raw FEC files. Donor-reported occupation/employer is self-reported. The figures were not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfPull individual contributions by employer 'BGR' to both committees (working FEC API key required); check BGR's PAC disbursements (C00359588) and BGR's Senate LDA lobbying filings for 2023–2026 clients and issues.

1. FEC committee C00900431 — Hai Peng (BGR Group) $7,000 to Conley
2. FEC cross-match C00900431 / C00815415 / C00359588 — BGR footprint across both candidates and DSCC/DCCC

What the record showsThomas Hendrix of Decisive Point Group — a defense-and-dual-use venture investor based in Cold Spring in the Hudson Valley — gave Conley $3,500 on her announcement day, then gave $7,000 to Republican appropriator Chuck Fleischmann (FEC C00900431 / C00461822). Decisive Point's market (counter-drone and dual-use AI) overlaps that of Hidden Level and Primer.

EvidenceFEC committees C00900431 (Conley) and C00461822 (Fleischmann) — from prior data pull, not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationCould not re-pull FEC records (API rate-limited). Carried from prior verified pull.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: giving to candidates of both parties is legal and routine for investors with policy interests; the 'portfolio reason' to want friends on both sides of the appropriations table is an inference, not a documented motive. No quid pro quo is alleged. Figures not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfSearch FEC for 'Hendrix' / 'Decisive Point' contributions to C00900431 and C00461822 (working FEC API key required); confirm Decisive Point's counter-drone/dual-use portfolio via PitchBook or the firm site.

1. FEC committee C00900431 — Thomas Hendrix (Decisive Point) $3,500 to Conley
2. FEC committee C00461822 — Thomas Hendrix $7,000 to Chuck Fleischmann

What the record showsA cross-match of FEC filings shows the same finance firms giving to both NY-17 candidates: Coinbase ($500 to Conley / ~$17,000 to Lawler), Jane Street ($750 / ~$20,600), Morgan Stanley ($7,000 / ~$16,000), and Bank of America ($2,300 / $4,500). Two NY-17 individuals hedged outright: Jessica Neuwirth gave $1,000 to each candidate, and Anita Wien split $222.22 and $250. This overlap runs through the very finance sector Conley pledges to rein in.

EvidenceFEC cross-match of committees C00900431 (Conley) and C00815415 (Lawler) — from prior data pull, not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationCould not re-pull FEC records (API rate-limited). Carried from prior verified pull; cross-match should be re-run against raw files with the name-collision guards intact.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: employees of large firms commonly give to multiple candidates; donor-reported employer is self-reported and aggregate firm totals can be miscounted. The corpus warns of name-collision traps (the attorney is from Levine Lee LLP, not the unrelated 'Levin'; 'Patriot PAC' is endorser Pat Ryan's own Democratic leadership PAC, not a Republican vehicle) — these must not be laundered into conflicts. No quid pro quo is alleged. Figures not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfRe-run the cross-match against raw FEC individual-contribution files for both committees by employer (working FEC API key required); verify the dual-giver names and guard against the Levine/Levin and Patriot PAC collisions.

1. FEC cross-match, committees C00900431 / C00815415 — Coinbase, Jane Street, Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, and dual-giving individuals

What the record showsA '$480M / Trump' framing of Palantir's Maven Smart System work conflates two distinct events. Primary contract data shows the $480M figure is the original Maven Smart System IDIQ (W911QX24D0012) base ceiling, signed 2024-05-29 under the Biden Defense Department — not Trump. A separate +$795M ceiling raise (IDV modification P00005, signed 2025-05-20 under the Trump Defense Department) lifted the total to roughly $1.275B. Pairing '$480M' with 'Trump' mixes the Biden-era base with the Trump-era expansion.

EvidenceRe-verified 2026-06-12: USASpending spending_by_award on PIID W911QX24F0053 (the Maven task order) confirms recipient PALANTIR USG INC, Award Amount $292,680,689.24. Independent reporting confirms the $480M May-2024 base and the +$795M May-2025 modification raising the total to ~$1.275-1.28B.

Independent corroborationDefenseScoop (2025-05-23, archived 2026-05-10), InsideDefense, and ExecutiveBiz all independently report the $480M base / +$795M modification / ~$1.275-1.28B total, with the modification announced late May 2025 (Trump DoD).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: this is a comparator-firm (Palantir) procurement clarification and does not involve Conley's income; it is included to keep the surveillance-AI category record accurate. The specific task order W911QX24F0053 is valued at $292,680,689.24 against the IDIQ ceiling.

Verify it yourselfConfirm the Maven task order W911QX24F0053 = $292,680,689.24 on USASpending; cross-check DefenseScoop (2025-05-23) for the $480M base (May 2024) and +$795M modification (May 2025) totaling ~$1.275B.

Primary documents maven_to_search.json

1. USASpending.gov W911QX24F0053 (task order $292,680,689.24) — verified 2026-06-12
2. DefenseScoop, 2025-05-23 ('Growing demand sparks DOD to raise Palantir's Maven contract to more than $1B') — archived
3. InsideDefense / ExecutiveBiz (corroborating $795M modification)

What the record showsThe contract findings rest on primary federal procurement data — USASpending.gov API and the FPDS-NG ATOM feed — corroborated by SBIR.gov, the FedRAMP Marketplace, and tier-graded vendor/press releases. The work was produced by a multi-agent procurement workflow (source-specific sweeps yielding 115 findings, 105 graded as confirmed contracts), with cross-reference and Conley-nexus classification, and a primary re-pull verification in which 16 of 17 awards were re-pulled to the cent from USASpending/FPDS. Tiering is strict: eligibility-to-sell (a Carahsoft schedule, FedRAMP, or FedStart listing) is NOT a contract, and a press release is NOT a contract. Data was pulled through 2026-06-10 and key awards re-confirmed 2026-06-12.

Evidencethe federal-contracts analysis and PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md provenance headers document the workflow and tiering. This verification pass independently re-pulled the load-bearing items to the cent on 2026-06-12: Primer USSOCOM H9240122C0002 ($2,996,017), Palantir ICE 70CTD022FR0000170 ($150,703,824.61), Maven task order W911QX24F0053 ($292,680,689.24), OGE 278e income ($328,283.15), plus the DHS-zero negatives for all three UEIs with DoD-only control sets.

Independent corroborationThis independent verification pass reproduced every load-bearing figure that resolved via the standard API path (one IDV — Maven parent W911QX24D0012, and the Anduril CBP IDV — did not resolve via generated-id guesses, a known IDV-indexing quirk, but their child orders/totals were confirmed via task order and external reporting).

What it does not showWhat it does not show: USASpending/FPDS exclude or redact classified and IC contracts, and reseller CLIN-level text and recent (~90-day) obligations may not be fully ingested — so 'none-found' means documented absence in open data, not metaphysical certainty.

Verify it yourselfRe-pull any of the cited award IDs from USASpending.gov and FPDS-NG and confirm the dollar figures match to the cent (H9240122C0002, 70CTD022FR0000170, W911QX24F0053 all confirmed).

1. PRIMER-DHS-CONTRACTS.md (provenance header)
2. Independent re-pull verification, 2026-06-12 ()

What the record showsConley's candidate financial disclosure (Filing ID #10076406) self-flags a clerical error: the period-covered field prints '01/01/2025 – 07/14/2026' while a Comments-box note states the correct period is '1/1/2025 through 4/30/2026,' that 'Filing system would not allow for the correct period covered window to be set,' that the system 'incorrectly states a through date of "7/14/2026" but correct date is 4/30/2026,' and that 'We are in contact with the Legislative Resource Center to have the filing system corrected.' No corrected/amended version had been confirmed at the time of the corpus.

EvidenceHouse Clerk Filing ID #10076406 (read locally) — Filing Information 'Period Covered: 01/01/2025– 07/14/2026' and the Comments box quoted above

Independent corroborationVerified verbatim from the the disclosure PDF; the Comments-box text is reproduced word-for-word above.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: a self-disclosed clerical date error that the filer flagged and reported is an administrative correction, not a conflict or a violation. It matters mainly because the disputed window touches the question of when holdings were acquired.

Verify it yourselfRead the period-covered field (prints 01/01/2025–07/14/2026) and the Comments box on #10076406 (the archived copy or Wayback); watch disclosures-clerk.house.gov for an amended version.

Primary documents house-fd-10076406.pdf

1. disclosures-clerk.house.gov/public_disc/financial-pdfs/2026/10076406.pdf — period-covered field

What the record showsConley invokes her CISA tenure as the campaign's spine and on /facts/ re-frames that election-security work around AI: 'At CISA, Cait was part of efforts to develop guardrails for AI.' Her CISA role of record was senior executive overseeing election infrastructure security ('As the federal government's senior executive overseeing election infrastructure security at [CISA], Cait worked alongside state and local officials... to protect our election systems'). The AI-guardrails framing stretches a specific election-security credential toward the broader AI-regulation debate.

Evidencecaitconley.com/policy/ election-security self-credit (verbatim, live); caitconley.com/facts/ 'guardrails for AI' framing (verbatim, live).

Independent corroborationTwo live campaign pages cross-checked.

What it does not showA positioning emphasis, not a contradiction -- CISA does work on AI in the election-security context, so the framing is defensible. The observation is only that it stretches a specific credential into a broader AI-regulation claim. Neutral.

Verify it yourselfCompare the /policy/ CISA self-credit (election infrastructure security) against the /facts/ 'guardrails for AI' framing; the credential of record is election security.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchivedcaitconley-facts.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy/
2. caitconley.com/facts/

What the record showsA single through-line runs across Conley's authored corpus: the 2017-18 D3P election-cybersecurity playbooks, the Jan 2024 Foreign Affairs AI/elections piece with Easterly, the Jan 2025 CISA #PROTECT2024 departing essay, and the campaign's 'Elections & Democracy' plank. The campaign repeatedly invokes her CISA tenure and frames it as having 'stood up directly to Trump's Big Lie about the 2020 election.' This is the most internally consistent thematic spine in her record.

EvidenceD3P playbooks (2017-18, PDF confirmed); Foreign Affairs (Jan 2024, co-byline confirmed); CISA essay (Jan 2025, byline confirmed via Wayback); caitconley.com/policy/ Elections & Democracy plank; homepage bio 'stood up directly to Trump's Big Lie about the 2020 election' (verbatim-confirmed live).

Independent corroborationFour independent authored nodes verified across the pass.

What it does not showA neutral observation of thematic consistency, generally favorable to her -- the election-security spine is well-documented and corroborated. The counterweight to the framing-gap findings.

Verify it yourselfTrace the election-security theme across the D3P playbooks, the FA piece, the CISA essay, and the /policy/ Elections plank; confirm 'Big Lie' language on the live homepage.

Primary documents caitconley-policy.htmlarchivedcaitconley-homepage.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/policy/
2. caitconley.com/

What the record showsConley's authored voice is consistently combative-veteran ('I will beat Mike Lawler and serve our community and country with honor and integrity'; 'I fought for my country... and now I'm ready to fight for New Yorkers') paired with an affordability-first economic message. Her central economic op-ed, 'Corporate greed and sell-out politicians are to blame for your NY energy bill' (lohud, Oct 16, 2025), frames utility bills as the product of corporate greed and captured politicians; her cost-of-living tweet (Jun 25, 2025) reads 'Life for working families in the Hudson Valley is too damn expensive.'

EvidenceEnergy op-ed (lohud, Oct 16 2025, bylined Conley; corroborated via Yahoo syndication + her X repost 1979155133855408378). Cost-of-living tweet (X status 1937832449133658563, Jun 25 2025) verbatim via syndication: 'Life for working families in the Hudson Valley is too damn expensive, and the politicians who got us into this mess are not going to be the ones to get us out of it.' /facts/ signed quote ('I will beat Mike Lawler... with honor and integrity').

Independent corroborationX syndication + Yahoo syndication + lohud's own X post independently corroborate the tone/affordability voice.

What it does not showPurely descriptive of her authored tone and message strategy; no claim of inaccuracy. Context framing for the beat.

Verify it yourselfConfirm the energy op-ed via Yahoo syndication + her X repost; confirm the cost-of-living tweet via X syndication (id 1937832449133658563); read the /facts/ signed quote.

Primary documents caitconley-facts.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/corporate-greed-and-sell-out-politicians-are-to-blame-for-your-ny-energy-bill-opi
2. www.yahoo.com/news/articles/corporate-greed-sell-politicians-blame-082530503.html
3. twitter.com/CaitforNewYork/status/1937832449133658563

What the record showsPalantir's alumni web reinforces the orbit: director Alexander Moore is now a partner at 8VC (Joe Lonsdale's fund); director Eric Woersching has served on the board of Blend Labs since June 2024 (and was a general partner at Initialized Capital 2017-2019, now co-founder/Managing Partner of Massive Tech Ventures); CTO Shyam Sankar has served with Palantir since 2006 and invented the Forward Deployed Engineer model. This founder DNA links Palantir to adjacent Thiel/PayPal-mafia venture vehicles.

EvidenceSEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 director biographies (verified verbatim): Moore '8VC, a venture capital fund, where he currently serves as partner'; Woersching 'has served on the board of directors of Blend Labs, Inc. ... since June 2024' and 'general partner at Initialized Capital ... 2017 to 2019'; Sankar 'served in various positions with us since 2006, most recently as our Chief Technology Officer.'

Independent corroborationDirector bios are primary within the proxy; the 8VC/Lonsdale and Blend Labs ties are publicly verifiable.

What it does not showNetwork-structure description of Palantir's own board and alumni; no Conley connection. The 'culturally seeds' framing is the source's characterization. Note: the proxy bio confirms Sankar joined in 2006 and is CTO/EVP but does not itself state 'employee #13' or that he 'invented' the FDE model — those specifics come from press/Palantir lore, not the proxy.

Verify it yourselfSearch the archived proxy for '8VC', 'Woersching', 'Blend Labs', 'Sankar' — Moore-at-8VC, Woersching-on-Blend-Labs-since-June-2024, and Sankar-since-2006 all appear verbatim in the director bios.

Primary documents palantir-def14a-2026.htm

1. SEC DEF 14A pltr-20260423 — director bios: Alexander Moore (now 8VC partner), Eric Woersching (Blend Labs board since June 2024; ex-Initialized Capital GP), Shyam Sankar (with Palantir since 2006, CTO/EVP)

What the record showsAcross social and press-release content, Conley and her campaign use punchier service framings than her plainer op-ed prose. Her SignalGate tweet (Mar 25, 2025) opens 'I've served in the Army and on the National Security Council'; the Coffee With Cait press release frames it as 'deploying six times to take down the world's most dangerous terrorists.' That operational color ('take down the world's most dangerous terrorists') exceeds the plain 'deployed six times... combat zones' of her 9/11 op-ed -- though note her WaPo op-ed itself uses comparably specific operational language in her own voice.

EvidenceX status 1904383585559437395 (SignalGate, Mar 25 2025) verbatim via syndication: 'I've served in the Army and on the National Security Council. I know how breaches of classified information... put our national security and those on the frontlines at real risk.' Coffee With Cait press release (live): 'deploying six times to take down the world's most dangerous terrorists.'

Independent corroborationX syndication (tweet) + live press release cross-checked.

What it does not showA message-discipline observation about escalating descriptors across channels, not a challenge to any deployment or operation (per guardrails, nothing ties her personally to operations and no deployment-zone activity is implicated). Note the WaPo-op-ed nuance from finding #1: the escalation is not strictly social-vs-bylined, since her WaPo byline is also operationally specific.

Verify it yourselfConfirm the SignalGate tweet via X syndication (cdn.syndication.twimg.com/tweet-result?id=1904383585559437395) and the press-release phrasing 'deploying six times to take down the world's most dangerous terrorists' on the live Coffee With Cait page; compare to the plain 9/11 op-ed line.

Primary documents caitconley-coffee-with-cait.htmlarchivedcaitconley-reps-real-talk.htmlarchived

1. twitter.com/CaitforNewYork/status/1904383585559437395
2. caitconley.com/cait-conley-sits-down-with-voters-in-all-four-counties-of-ny-17-in-coffee-with-ca

What the record showsHidden Level is not on Palantir's FedStart/PFCS-SS boundary — no FedRAMP listing surfaced. Its only reported Palantir linkage is a claim that Hidden Level's passive-RF sensor data feeds Palantir's Maven platform, which is a sensor/data-integration claim at marketing/announced tier. No USASpending sub-award or teaming record names Palantir as a prime over Hidden Level. The relationship, if real, is integration — not a procurement instrument.

EvidenceFedRAMP Marketplace shows no Hidden Level listing (and the marketplace blocks scripted reads, so this rests on the documented absence plus the JS-SPA caveat). USASpending subaward search produced no Palantir-over-Hidden-Level record. The DoD-only control set for Hidden Level (5 awards, verified 2026-06-12) contains no Palantir prime.

Independent corroborationConsistent with the live Hidden Level award set (all DoD direct or Booz Allen-sub, none Palantir). The Maven 'feed' claim is integration/marketing tier and not independently confirmable as a procurement instrument.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: the data-feed relationship may exist commercially; it simply has no contract or sub-award documentation in the federal record. This is a held/announced claim, not a confirmed contract.

Verify it yourselfSearch USASpending subawards for Hidden Level under any Palantir prime award; none appears. Confirm Hidden Level absent from the FedRAMP Marketplace roster (headless-browser read recommended given the JS gate).

Primary documents hiddenlevel_all.json

1. marketplace.fedramp.gov (no Hidden Level entry)
2. USASpending.gov subaward search (no Palantir prime over Hidden Level)

What the record showsThe campaign paid Brooklyn election lawyer and former NY Senate Democratic leader Martin E. Connor $14,000 in legal services across January 21 and March 10, 2026. The scope of that work is undisclosed.

EvidenceFEC Schedule B, committee C00900431 — two payments to Martin E. Connor; from prior data pull, not re-pulled (FEC API rate-limited)

Independent corroborationCould not re-pull Schedule B (API rate-limited). Carried from prior verified pull. The timing point (first payment predates the RFAI) is logically sound and is the correct guard against over-claiming a causal link.

What it does not showWhat it does not show: paying an election lawyer is routine and lawful, and because the first payment (1/21/2026) predates the March 11 RFAI by seven weeks, no causal link to the RFAI can be drawn. The scope is simply not on the public record. Figures not re-verified against the live FEC API.

Verify it yourselfConfirm both Connor payments on Schedule B (working FEC API key required); ask the campaign treasurer (Jeremie McCubbin) for the scope and review NY State Board of Elections ballot-petition filings for the 2026 NY-17 primary.

1. FEC Schedule B (disbursements), committee C00900431 — Martin E. Connor legal-services payments, 1/21/2026 and 3/10/2026

What the record showsSeveral specifics in Conley's campaign copy originate in third-person staff copy rather than independent documentation: 'one of the first women in Special Ops leadership,' 'three Bronze Stars,' and the homepage claim that her NSC counterterrorism role 'led to her being banned from Russia.' The 'banned from Russia' claim in particular is a campaign self-statement not independently documented in this corpus. Provenance matters for sourcing, but the service-record core is NPRC-confirmed.

Evidencecaitconley.com homepage bio (live, archived 20260608135842): 'Director for Counterterrorism on the National Security Council at the White House (which led to her being ban[ned from Russia])'; 'one of the first women in Special Ops leadership'; 'awarded three Bronze Stars.'

Independent corroborationHomepage live + Wayback. 'Banned from Russia' not independently corroborated -- flagged as open lead.

What it does not showPer guardrails: the NPRC record confirms her service including the Bronze Stars, so this is NOT a stolen-valor or award-skepticism finding -- the count is not in question, and 'three Bronze Stars' also appears in her own WaPo op-ed. The only genuinely undocumented item is the 'banned from Russia' claim, which is a campaign self-statement; a reader should know its provenance. No crime alleged.

Verify it yourselfConfirm the 'banned from Russia,' 'three Bronze Stars,' and 'Special Ops leadership' lines appear in the live homepage staff bio (search-confirmed). The Bronze Stars are NPRC-confirmed and appear in her WaPo byline; the 'banned from Russia' claim has no public sanctions/ban listing located in this corpus.

Primary documents caitconley-homepage.htmlarchived

1. caitconley.com/ · archived
2. web.archive.org/web/20260608135842/https://caitconley.com/

What the record showsConley's authored corpus contains no congressional testimony, no amicus brief, no Federal Register/regulations.gov comments, and no confirmed signed coalition letter. The 2024 House Homeland election-threats testimony often associated with CISA was Jen Easterly's, not hers. No evidence she signed the September 2024 700-officials Harris letter (she was a serving CISA official then). The Counter-UAS National Action Plan is self-claimed ('helped author') but carries no individual byline and is excluded from the authored corpus.

Evidence2024 House Homeland testimony attributed to Easterly; no Conley signature found on the Sept 2024 Harris officials letter; Counter-UAS plan has no public individual authorship attribution.

Independent corroborationConsistent with the verified the source corpus inventory; not independently re-searched.

What it does not showAbsence of testimony/letters is a neutral footprint observation, not a deficiency -- a serving nonpartisan CISA official would be expected to avoid partisan letters. The Counter-UAS exclusion is on documentary grounds (no byline), not a challenge to her involvement.

Verify it yourselfSearch Congress.gov hearing records (the relevant testimony is Easterly's), the Sept 2024 700-officials letter signatory list, and regulations.gov for any Conley comment -- none surface.